- The Manifesto on the Freedom of the Nobility is one of the key legislative acts of the short reign of Peter III. According to Jacob Shtelin, Peter, while still heir to the Russian throne, spoke of his desire to grant the Russian nobility the freedom to serve and not serve, as well as the right to freely leave the country. Having become emperor, Peter III on January 17, 1762, during his first official visit to the Governing Senate, announced that “out of his highest paternal mercy to his loyal subjects, he deigned to continue the service of the nobles of their own free will, as much and where they wish, and when wartime comes, they will all They must appear on the same basis as in Livonia with the nobles. In this regard, the senators were ordered to prepare a draft manifesto, which they did by February 8, 1762. On February 18 (March 1), 1762, Peter III signed this project. According to this legislative act, for the first time in the history of Russia, nobles were exempted from compulsory civil and military service, could retire at will and freely travel abroad. True, during the war the government had the right to demand that the nobles return to service in armed forces Oh. If at the same time the nobleman was abroad, he was obliged to return to Russia under pain of confiscation of land holdings. In addition, noblemen who did not rise to the rank of chief officer were prohibited from retiring without serving 12 years. The main provisions of Peter III’s manifesto were confirmed by Catherine II in “ Certificate of merit nobility 1785".
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The publication of the manifesto “On the Liberty of the Nobility” is a short decree of Peter III. This happened in the second half of the 18th century.
Background to the document and publication of the manifesto “On the Liberty of the Nobility”
In the Russian Empire, the formation of new relations in the system of power and the regrouping of the aristocratic classes were in full swing. The boyars, who were the closest group to the rulers in medieval Rus', increasingly lost their positions over the years. The struggle with the nobles continued for several centuries. By the middle of the 18th century, it became clearly clear that the nobles (former servants of the boyar courts) were increasingly firmly established in a privileged position and it was necessary to legislate this fact. The Manifesto “On the Liberty of the Nobility” (1762) freed the nobles from the obligation to carry out state duties. military service. They were allowed to leave the country freely. Although there was a reservation that in wartime such an obligation still remains. Aristocrats who went abroad during the period of hostilities in which Russia participated were forced to return and participate in campaigns.
Publication of the manifesto “On the Liberty of the Nobility” and its consequences
Consolidation noble class and its final formation as the highest aristocratic stratum of society began under Peter I. Essentially, the publication of the manifesto “On the Liberty of the Nobility” finally completed their corresponding Now the nobility replaced the medieval boyars. The manifesto “On the Liberty of the Nobility” was supplemented when the so-called “Charter of Grant to the Russian Nobility” was published, which further expanded the freedoms and powers of the latter. Now all noble rights were assigned to them for life and forever and were inherited. All representatives of the class were equal in rights, regardless of the antiquity of the family and acquired titles. However, these same salaries tied the nobles to the royal power, made them dependent on it, which, in general, was quite consistent with the processes of absolutization of monarchical power that took place throughout the European continent.
The nobles literally turned
into government officials, filling the bureaucracy. In addition to provisions on military service, this document also contained other points. He also secured the full and unshakable rights of the aristocratic class to real estate: land plots and estates. The nobles were exempt from any kind and any taxes. The corporate structure of the estate was formally consolidated: noble assemblies were created that had official status in the face of the state. The whole complex of these measures predetermined the main consequence - the formation and strengthening of an estate-representative monarchy in Russia, which at that time was an advanced political system for Europe.
The staffing of the state apparatus in the States in 1763 took place under the conditions of the Manifesto “On the granting of liberty and freedom to the entire Russian nobility”41. The liberation of nobles from compulsory public service, which marked short reign Peter III, marked the beginning of a new stage in government policy regarding the formation of the bureaucracy.
Already in 1762, many nobles in service hastened to take advantage of the granted freedom and retire. “I cannot imagine what indescribable pleasure this piece of paper produced in the hearts of all the nobles of our dear fatherland,” A.T. wrote in his “Notes.” Bolotov. “Everyone jumped up almost with joy and, thanking the sovereign, blessed the moment at which he was pleased to sign this decree. But there was something to be happy about”42. However, many of them, after retiring, were forced to re-enter the service, now civilian.
In 1762, the number of retired military personnel wishing to enter the civil service was greater than free seats, so legislators had to introduce a new procedure for their appointment. The Herald's Office was instructed to draw up common list applicants for civilian jobs, and let them go home until vacancies appear. This decree of Peter III was confirmed by Catherine II with an explanation of the need to make such a decision. “Staff and chief officers upon retirement from military service,” noted the decree of October 24, 1762, “are appointed to civil affairs and sent to Heroldia, of which there are a great number every year, so that their places are determined
42 Bolotov A.T. Notes. The life and adventures of Andrei Bolotov, described by himself for posterity. T. 2. 1760-1771. M., 1871. Stb. 131-132.
not enough... and since, due to the multitude of them, it is not possible to quickly get to their places of assignment, they suffer grief, and many, while living... are deprived of food...”43 As follows from the decree adopted in the first year of action There were many manifestos among retired officers who wanted to become officials in previous years.
According to calculations by I.V. Faizova, in 1762-1771, i.e. during the first ten years of this law, 6,590 military personnel retired; of these, 20% entered the civil service (1330 people). Over half of retired military personnel were employed in positions in classes IX (23%) and VIII (28%) of the “Table of Ranks”; the rest occupied the highest (18%) or lower (30%) steps of this ladder, and a very small number of them (1%) entered positions not included in the “Table”44.
It should, however, be recognized that the number of people entering the civil service over 10 years looks rather modest. Obviously, long-term queues waiting for vacancies were explained by the shortage of those places that were traditionally reserved for the nobility. Retired officers were especially attracted to positions in provincial and district administrations. Although, for example, in Siberia the introduction of the Manifesto of 1762. did not solve the personnel problem with class officials45. The release of nobles from compulsory service did not solve the problem of clerical personnel, since nobles simply did not go to these positions. It is for this reason that the government was forced to give commoners wider access to cool office places. But there were still not enough clerks, as well as experienced secretaries.
I.V. Faizova managed to create a social portrait of a retired military man who became an official in the 1760s-1770s. This is an experienced officer aged 39 (1% were over 65 years old) with more than 20 years of military service. Low-income (over 70% of them did not have peasants) and not distinguished by a high degree of education (“I can read and write and I know arithmetic”)46. Taken together, these features provided
44 Faizova I.V. “Manifesto on Liberty” and the service of the nobility in the 18th century. M., 1999. pp. 129-130.
45 Akishin M.O. Russian absolutism and the management of Siberia in the 18th century. P. 269.
46 Faizova I.V. Decree. Op. pp. 131-132.
officials from the former military were encouraged to actively and continuously work in a new field, although they did not guarantee its honest and blameless performance.
Retired officers applied for high-ranking positions, preferring positions of higher and middle ranks. As for the numerous offices, the main source of staffing remained commoners and children of clerks. Ultimately, the government had to abandon the idea of raising professional officials from the nobles and reorient itself towards the non-noble strata of the population.
In the 1760s access to the civil service was opened to representatives of all classes, except for tax-paying classes, which indicated a new direction in government policy regarding the formation of the bureaucracy.
The Manifesto “On the Granting of Liberty and Freedom to the Entire Russian Nobility” (the traditional short name is the Manifesto of Liberty to the Nobility) is a law that expanded the rights and liberties of the Russian nobility. Published on February 18, 1762 by Emperor Peter III. Nobles were exempt from compulsory state and military service; Nobles who were in public service could retire under certain conditions. They received the right to travel abroad freely, but at the request of the government to return to Russia. During wars they had to serve in the army. The main provisions of the Manifesto were confirmed by the Charter of the Nobility (1785).
Already during the period of emergence Old Russian state in the X–XI centuries. there were privileged groups in it - the princely squad and the tribal nobility, which gradually integrated with each other. Their main function was military service to the prince; in addition, they participated in the management: senior warriors - in collecting polyudya, junior warriors carried out departments. administrative and judicial orders of the prince. In the 12th century. with the beginning of the fragmentation of Russian lands and principalities, a class group of service boyars was formed, membership of which was determined not only by service to the prince, but also by the emerging patrimonial land ownership of the boyars. All privileged groups were united within the framework of the Sovereign’s court of the principality, which included the nobles themselves (from the word “court”). They constituted his lowest stratum; they were initially persons with a certain measure of personal bondage from the prince, who were initially at his full support. From the 13th century nobles among noble boyars are also known. The status of the nobles gradually increased: no later than the 13th century. they received the right to own estates.
Formation in the XV–XVI centuries. The Moscow state in the form of a monarchy with class representation fundamentally changed the structure of the nobility, as well as the nature of its ties with the monarch. Vassal ties were replaced by relations of allegiance to the Moscow Grand Duke (from 1547 - to the Tsar). Instead of many princely courts, one Sovereign court was formed - the Moscow Vel. prince, who united the upper and partly middle strata of privileged groups.
Along with the isolation of the nobility by the middle of the 16th century. common features in the legal and social status of the entire nobility became clearer. With the abolition of feeding and other reforms in the 1550s. the principles of material support for the military and administrative services of the nobility were unified (the system of local salaries, payment of cash salaries from central government institutions), and the conditions of service were determined. All official appointments were concentrated in one order - the Rank.
The events of the Time of Troubles led to the physical disappearance of many aristocratic families. The nobility split into military-political groups associated with various centers of power in the country; part of the elite was taken hostage by the command of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth garrison in Moscow and was removed from participation in governing the country. For the first time in their history, county corporations of the provincial nobility were involved in armed struggle for political purposes. In the middle - 2nd half of the 17th century. awareness of common social, economic and partly political interests, primarily of the provincial nobility, but at the same time of the nobility as a whole, increased.
In the 17th century Service foreigners gradually became part of the Russian nobility; after the annexation of part of the territory of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, part of the so-called. Smolensk gentry. The nobility became the environment in which “Western” influences were absorbed. Interest arose in descriptions, reference books, works on genealogy, and heraldry. The number of adult men of all groups and strata of the nobility by the end of the 17th century. was over 50 thousand.
The policy of Peter I, aimed at further expanding the territory of the state and centralizing power, was accompanied by a number of measures to form a single noble class. Since the 1690s The replenishment of the Boyar Duma gradually ceased, which deprived the representatives of the clans who constantly sat in it of the advantages. The next step was the legislative registration of noble services. It was associated with the too large number of the Sovereign's court, which led to a crisis in the governance of the country, as well as with the gradual creation of a regular army. In 1701, the tsar announced that “employees of all ranks serve from the lands, but no one owns lands for free,” which to a certain extent equalized landowners and patrimonial owners. To encourage the most distinguished in their service, Peter I introduced, in addition to the existing princely titles, European titles - count and baron. Contrary to existing traditions, the king granted nobility to many of his associates of ignoble origin. He legally formalized the ancient tradition, according to which the service of nobles was regular, compulsory, lifelong, and extended the practice of issuing cash salaries for civil and military service to the entire nobility. Peter I also introduced a rule according to which the service of all nobles was carried out on the basis of personal service from the age of 15 (in 1740 nobles were allowed to choose between military and civil service). In the Table of Ranks (1722), Peter I proclaimed public service to be the main and honorable duty of the nobles and ordered “the noble nobility to be considered according to their fitness.” The report card confirmed the principle of personal service of nobles, their promotion in state, military and court service depending on their own abilities, and not on nobility and birth. In addition, she made it possible for people from other countries to receive D. social groups. By the end of the reign of the Emperor. Peter I, the term “nobility” extended to all representatives of the privileged class in Russia in the 1720s–50s. Along with it, the term “gentry” was also used. The number of noble landowners in the 1st third of the 18th century. was approx. 64.5 thousand people (in 1777 - about 108 thousand people).
The manifesto of Empress Anna Ivanovna “On the procedure for the admission and dismissal of noble children into the service” (1736) gave the right to one or more sons to remain at home to manage the estate, but with the obligation to study in order to be fit for civil service. For other sons, who had to serve from the age of 20, the service period was limited to 25 years. However, gradually the nobles began to enroll their sons in military service from infancy, so they began real service already in the rank of officer. Despite some ease in the conditions of civil service, it remained the main responsibility of the upper class. Gradually, the rank in the minds of the nobleman acquired a meaning close to an honorary title. The lifestyle of the nobleman and his family depended on his position on the bureaucratic ladder.
Realizing the growth of their importance in society, representatives of the nobility under the successors of Peter I began a long struggle with the state apparatus for their class rights and privileges. This struggle was reflected in a number of projects of the time of Anna Ivanovna and Elizabeth Petrovna, in particular, prepared by the Statutory Commission, which worked since 1754. Elizabeth’s successor, Emperor Peter III, signed a manifesto on February 18, 1762 (less than 2 months after accession to the throne) “On the granting of liberty and freedom to the entire Russian nobility.” Contemporaries named the Prosecutor General of the Senate A.I. as the probable authors of his text. Glebov and the emperor's secretary D.V. Volkova. The manifesto consisted of a preamble and 9 articles. He proclaimed the optionality of noble service, declaring it an honorable duty, and not a legal obligation. Noble officers received the right to resign at their own request, with the exception of wartime and the period of 3 months before the start of a military campaign. Nobles who did not have officer ranks (soldiers and chief officers) could resign subject to 12 years of service. The manifesto provided the nobles with the opportunity to freely travel abroad, enter the service of other European sovereigns and retain the ranks they had served abroad upon returning to their homeland, however, if necessary, the nobles were obliged, at the call of the government, to return to Russia under the threat of sequestration of their estates. The Manifesto left the only duty of the nobility to receive education - at home “through skilled and knowledgeable teachers,” as well as in Russian and foreign educational institutions.
The manifesto had various social and sociocultural consequences. He destroyed the connection between the right of ownership of serf souls and public service, finally turned the landowner peasants into the undivided property of the nobility. A significant number of nobles retired and moved to the countryside, which contributed to the emergence of Russian estate culture and the formation of a special social type rural landowner. The main provisions of the Manifesto were confirmed under Catherine II in the Charter of the Nobility of 1785.
Immortal glory to the wise Monarch, Our Dear Sovereign, Our Grandfather, Peter the Great and the All-Russian Emperor, what burden and great labors he was forced to endure solely for the well-being and benefit of His fatherland, raising Russia to a perfect knowledge of both military, civil and political affairs, that is not not only all of Europe, but also most of the world is a false witness.
But how to restore this it was necessary, first of all, as the main member of the state, the noble nobility, to accustom and show how great the advantages of the enlightened powers are in the well-being of the human race against countless peoples immersed in the depths of ignorance; therefore, at that time, the very extreme insisted on the Russian nobility, showing his excellent signs of favor to them, ordered them to join the military and civil services and, moreover, to teach noble youth not only various liberal sciences, but also many useful arts, sending them to European states and, for the same reason, establishing various schools inside Russia, in order to achieve the desired fruit with the greatest haste.
It is true that such institutions, although at the beginning they partly seemed burdensome and unbearable for the nobility, were deprived of peace, were away from home, continued military and other services against their will, and enrolled their children in them, from which some hid, exposing themselves for this not only fines, but also deprived of their estates, as careless about their property and their descendants.
The aforementioned establishment, although at the beginning it was somewhat associated with coercion, but was very useful, was followed by everyone who owned the Russian Throne since the time of Peter the Great, and especially our dear Aunt, Empress Elizabeth Petrovna of blessed memory, imitating the deeds of the sovereign, her parent, knowledge political affairs and various sciences spread and multiplied under her patronage in the Russian state; But what happened from all this, We see with our pleasure, and every true son of his fatherland must admit that countless benefits followed from it, rudeness was destroyed in those who were careless about the common good, ignorance was changed into sound reason, useful knowledge and diligence in service multiplied skilled and brave generals in military affairs, in civil and political affairs placed knowledgeable and fit people for the job, in a word, to conclude, noble thoughts rooted in the hearts of true Russian patriots boundless loyalty and love for Us, great zeal and excellent zeal in our service, and therefore We do not find the need for compulsion to serve, which was necessary until now.
And so We, in consideration of the mentioned circumstances, according to the power given to Us by the Almighty, from Our highest imperial mercy, from now on, for eternity and in hereditary generations, we grant to all the Russian noble nobility liberty and freedom, which can continue to serve, as in Our Empire, as well as in other European powers allied to Us, on the basis of the following legislation:
1) All the nobles who are in Our various services can continue this as long as they wish, and their condition will allow them, but the military, neither during the campaign, nor before the start of it three months before, about dismissal from service, or abshida, do not dare to ask, but at the end both inside and outside the state; those in military service can ask their commanders for release from service or resignation, and wait for a resolution; those who are in all of Our services, in the first eight classes, from Our Most High Confirmation, and other ranks are determined by the departments to which they belong.
2) All serving nobles for decent and blameless service will be rewarded upon retirement with one rank, if they were in the previous rank with which they are resigning for more than a year, and then those who will ask for dismissal from all matters; and those who wish to join the civil service from the military and there will be vacancies, then after consideration they are determined to give awards if they have been in the same rank for three years, that is, in the one with which they are going to civil service or some other Our service.
3) Whoever, being retired for some time or after the military service, being in the civil and other Our services, wishes to re-enter military service, such will be accepted, if their merits prove to be so, in the same ranks in which they belong, with the renaming of military ranks, but junior seniority in front of all those who, when they were discharged from military service, were in the same ranks; If all of them have already been promoted, then the person who is being selected for military service can receive seniority from the day he is determined; We decree this for this purpose, so that those who serve before those who do not serve will have benefit and advantage; in the same way, whoever, having been dismissed from civil service, and then from retirement wishes to enter civil service and other services, except for military service, and if he can be accepted according to his suitability, then enroll according to the same article, excluding one renaming.
4) Whoever, having been dismissed from Our service, wishes to go to other European states, should give Our Foreign Collegium the appropriate passports without hindrance with such an obligation that when need demands, the nobles who are outside Our state would come to their fatherland when only If proper publication is made, then everyone in this case is guilty of carrying out Our will with all possible speed under the fine of sequestration of his property.
5) Russian nobles who continue to serve, besides Ours, with other European sovereigns can, upon returning to their fatherland, according to their desires and ability, enter into vacancies in Our service; those in the services of the crowned heads with the same ranks for which patents will be announced, and those serving with other rulers with a reduction in ranks, as the previous legislation was established and according to which is now being implemented.
6) And since, according to this most merciful establishment of Ours, none of the Russian nobles will involuntarily continue to serve, below any zemstvo affairs from Our established governments will be used, unless a special need requires, but that is no different than the signing of Our own hand with a personal name If it is commanded by decree, then so will the Smolensk nobility; on the contrary, in St. Petersburg and in Moscow, it was determined by decree of the sovereign Emperor Peter the Great under the Senate and his Office, several people from retired nobles, for all sorts of emerging needs; then We give the highest command from now on, always with a change in weather, to be in the Senate of 30, and in its office of 20 people, for which purpose the heralds annually, according to the proportion of those living in the provinces, and not the nobles who are in the services, and repair the order, however, without appointing anyone by name , but for the nobles themselves in the provinces and provinces to hold elections among themselves, announcing only who will be chosen in the offices, so that they can report this to the heraldry, and inflict deportation on those chosen.
7) Although by this Our all-merciful legalization all noble Russian nobles, with the exception of those of the same palace, will always enjoy freedom, Our fatherly care for them extends even further, and for their young children, whom we now command for the sole information only to declare at the age of 12 from birth them in the heraldry, provinces, provinces and cities, where it is more advantageous and more capable for someone, and from their parents or from their relatives, from whom they are in charge, to take news of what they have been taught until the age of twelve, and where they want to continue the science further, whether inside Our state, in various schools established at Our expense, or in other European powers, or in their homes through skillful and knowledgeable teachers, if the wealth of the estate allows the parents to do so; however, so that no one dares to raise their children under Our grave wrath without teaching the sciences appropriate to the noble nobility; For this reason, we command all those nobles, behind whom there are no more than 1000 souls of peasants, to declare their children directly in Our Gentry Cadet Corps, where they will be taught everything that belongs to the knowledge of the noble nobility with the most diligent zeal, and after studying each one according to his dignity with the awarding of ranks he will graduate, and then anyone can join and continue serving according to the above.
8) Nobles currently in Our military service, soldiers and other lower ranks less than chief officer, who have not achieved officer rank, should not be dismissed, unless those who continued military service for more than 12 years will receive dismissal from service.
9) But as We legitimize this Our All-Merciful institution to all the noble nobility for eternity with a fundamental and indispensable rule; then in conclusion of this, We, by Our Imperial word, most solemnly affirm that this will always be sacred and inviolable in the established force and benefits, and Our legal heirs below us can do anything to abolish this, for the preservation of this Our legalization will be theirs. the unshakable assertion of the Autocratic All-Russian Throne; On the contrary, We hope that all the noble Russian nobility, feeling so much Ours towards them and their descendants of generosity, by their all-submissive loyalty and zeal to Us, will be prompted not to retire, or to hide from service, but with jealousy and desire to enter into it, and in an honest and shameless manner, to continue it at the very least possible, no less than to teach their children with diligence and zeal in decent sciences, for all those who have not had any service anywhere, but only as they themselves will spend all their time in laziness and idleness, will not to use their children for the benefit of their fatherland in any useful sciences, those We, as those who are careless about the common good, command to despise and destroy all Our loyal subjects and true sons of the fatherland, and below the arrival to Our court, or in public meetings and celebrations is tolerated there will be.
Iskul S.N. On the way to class emancipation: manifesto of February 18, 1762 // State and society in Russia of the 15th – early 20th centuries. St. Petersburg, 2007. pp. 395-406.
Marasinova E.N. Freedom of the Russian nobility (Manifesto of Peter III and the class legislation of Catherine II) // Domestic History. 2007. No. 4. P. 21-33.
Romanovich-Slavatinsky A.V. Nobility in Russia from the beginning of the 18th century. until the abolition of serfdom. 2nd ed. Kyiv, 1912.
Troitsky S.M. Russian absolutism and the nobility in the 18th century. M., 1974.
Faizova I.V. “Manifesto on Liberty” and the service of the nobility in the 18th century. M., 1999.
“Manifesto on the Freedom of the Nobility”: evidence of the weakness of the state or a natural result of processes in society?
What did the Manifesto proclaim as the duties of the nobility?
Under what conditions was retirement from military and civil service possible?
Why does the Manifesto for the first time allow for the possibility of Russian nobles to serve foreign sovereigns?
How does the Manifesto justify the abolition of compulsory service for nobles?
HISTORY
Peter III stayed on the Russian throne for 186 days. During his short reign, many laws were passed. Turning to the “Complete Collection of Laws of the Russian Empire,” we find 192 acts for the period from December 25, 1761 to June 28, 1762. Therefore, in my opinion, the historical assessment of Peter III, often found on the pages of individual works, as a person completely devoid of political ideas and common sense, does not correspond to reality.
On February 18, 1762, the manifesto “On the granting of liberty and freedom to the entire Russian nobility” was published. Finally, the centuries-old dream of the nobles about liberation from compulsory service came true. Back in the 40-50s, the voices of noble ideologists V.II were often heard. Tatishcheva, I.I. Shuvalova, M.I. Vorontsova, A.P. Melgunov and others, who substantiated the need to exempt nobles from compulsory service. Moreover, during the reign of Elizabeth Petrovna, decrees were issued more than once regarding incorrigible noble “infidels”.
The nobles gratefully appreciated the appearance of the manifesto. Small-scale Tula nobleman A.T. Bolotov left a note in his memoirs: “this piece of paper produced indescribable pleasure.” Prosecutor General A.I. Glebov proposed to the Senate to build a golden statue as a sign of gratitude from the nobility. The poets also did not remain silent, in particular, Rzhevsky exclaimed in his ode that Peter III “gave Russia freedom and gave it prosperity.”
Of course, February 18, 1762 became a significant day in the history of legislation on noble privileges. However, the problem of the background to the appearance and authorship of the text of the manifesto still remains unclear. This problem was raised by historians M.M. Shcherbatov, then S.M. Soloviev, M.I. Semevsky, S.A. Korf, A.V. Romanovich-Slavatinsky, G.V. Vernadsky et al. Historians N.L. Rubinstein. CM. Troitsky approached the solution to this problem from the position of materialist dialectics. The research of A.S. has significantly advanced the study of this issue. Mylnikov and I.V. Faizova in the post-Soviet period. However, in our opinion, this problem requires further study.
For correct orientation in this complex issue, let us turn to the work of S.M. Solovyov “History of Russia since ancient times”, where in the book. XIII says that Peter III, on January 17, 1762, at a meeting of the Senate, announced his plans for the future: “The nobles will continue to serve of their own free will, as long as and where they wish, and when wartime comes, they must all appear on such a basis as and in Livonia he compromises with the nobles"
The document is interesting. It can serve as a reference point for us to understand the background of the manifesto. There is an assumption that before its compilation, the legislation of Livonia was studied. Livonia (German bMaps!) 1) German. name of Livonia in the 13th-16th centuries. 2) The official name of the territory of Northern Latvia and Southern Estonia in the 17th - early centuries. XX centuries
I think it would not be superfluous to briefly recall here that Peter III, being the Grand Duke under the reigning Empress Elizabeth Petrovna, delved into all the conversations about unsatisfactory moments internal state country and, having become emperor, already knew the issues that needed to be addressed in order to gain popularity. “Even a few years before his accession to the throne, as his tutor Shtelin testifies, he often spoke about the need to grant the nobility freedom from compulsory service and the right to travel abroad.” It is completely natural that under these circumstances, as the first steps in a new field, he decided to start with legislation on the nobility. And a month later, on February 18, a manifesto appears. The key to revealing its background, in addition to the legislation of Livonia, can also be called the activities of the Legislative Commission of 1754-1766. V.N. Latkin devoted more than 100 pages to it in his study. The historian used the entire fund of the commission and not only gave a full assessment of its work, but also paid great attention to the third part of the Code that interests us. An attempt to solve the problem of the social direction of the commission’s activities and the connection between Part III, namely Chapter 22 “On the Rights and Advantages of the Nobility” with the manifesto of Peter III was made by G.V. Vernadsky, and this led the historian to recognize the deep historical roots of the manifesto. He claims that “the spirit of the ideas of the manifesto, of course, hovered over the work of the commission.” Having compared the texts of both documents, the author of the article comes to to the following conclusion: “the project was drawn up after the publication of the manifesto.” It is difficult to agree with the assumption of a respected historian. In our opinion, N.L.’s version is more convincing. Rubinstein. In his article “The laid down commission of 1754-1766. and her draft of a new code “On the state of subjects in general”", approaching the problem of the prehistory of the manifesto in a different way, the historian expresses the idea that “the coincidence of the final text of the project and the text of the manifesto suggests that it was the manifesto that proceeded from the draft of Chapter 22 in its last editors". As evidence, he points to drafts of the original version of this chapter, where references are made in paragraphs. 3 and 4 to Elizaveta Petrovna. Therefore, chapter 22 was written before the manifesto.
Yes, indeed, the commission became in some way an arena of struggle between two court factions. On the one hand, the brothers P.I. and A.I. Shuvalov,
A.I. Glebova and D.V. Volkov, who proposed measures not only to strengthen the privileges of the nobles, but also the bourgeoisie, on the other hand, the brothers M.I. and R.L. Vorontsov and Ya.G1. Shakhovsky, who pursued a policy of narrow noble interests. But they were all interested in the abolition of compulsory service. From here a fact inevitably follows for our purposes, which is of particular importance: some provisions of the manifesto were developed by the Statutory Commission under Elizaveta Petrovna.
If we accept this starting point as correct, then it will be easier for us to understand the history of the drafting of the text of the manifesto. M.M. tells us interesting details on this matter. Shcherbatov. “This night is remarkable for Russia, as Dmitry Vasilyevich Volkov, then his secretary, told me. Peter the Third, in order to hide from the count. Elis. Romanovna, that this night he would have fun with the newly imported woman, said in front of Volkov that he had to spend this night with him in the fulfillment of an important task known to them in the discussion of the improvement of the State. Night came, the Emperor went to have fun with Princess Kurakina, telling Volkov to write some noble legislation by tomorrow, and was locked in an empty room with a Danish dog. Volkov, not knowing either the reason or the intention of the sovereign; I didn’t know what to start writing about, but I had to write. But as he was a shrewd man, he remembered the frequent statements to the Emperor from Count Roman Larionovich Vorontsov about the freedom of the nobility, and then wrote a manifesto about this. In the morning he was released from prison and the manifesto was tested and published by the Emperor.” S.A. also supports this version. Rudakova. She talks about the legend “in the papers of D.V. Volkov has a draft copy, corrected and scratched by his hand." But it is not possible to verify this due to their loss.
It would seem that a dark curtain is opening before us, and the author of the text of the manifesto is emerging. But D.V. himself Volkov in his letter to G.G. Orlov wrote on July 10, 1762: “As for internal affairs, my main works are three: 1) about monastic estates; 2) about the secret office; 3) a lengthy decree on commerce." The Manifesto on the Freedom of the Nobility is not included in the list of works; perhaps it did not belong to him. True, historian S.M. Soloviev believes that “the most desirable benefits were not given to the nobility, and without them, freedom from service was not particularly important, especially for the nobles who made up the highest circle of St. Petersburg, to whom Volkov was answerable. Here, in this circle, it was inconvenient to boast about the manifesto of February 18, and Volkov cleverly bypassed it, not putting it among his main affairs.”
Indeed, the manifesto did not fully satisfy the aspirations of the nobles: it did not abolish corporal punishment for the nobles, the right of the state to confiscate
noble estates, etc. But this does not change the essence of the matter. In this case, we agree with the opinion of G.V. Vernadsky, A.S. Mylnikov and a number of historians who claim that the story of M.M. Shcherbatov is biased and unfair, because the idea of \u200b\u200bthe liberation of the nobles was announced by the emperor a month earlier, and was not accidental, as the author is trying to present. If the author of the manifesto had been D.V. Volkov, then in the same St. Petersburg circle it would have been known about this, and Volkov could not simply “keep silent,” he would at least have to touch on this issue. It follows that most likely the author of the manifesto was not him, but someone else.
The legislation of Peter III is associated not only with the name of D.V. Volkov, but also A.I. Glebova. A.I. Glebov - Prosecutor General, participated in the activities of the Legislative Commission: until 1760 his signature was permanent, in 1761 the signature disappeared from the journals of the commission and appeared irregularly in 1762. This suggests that he was familiar with the issue under discussion about the nobility. It is difficult to agree with the opinion of N.L. Rubinstein, convinced that “Vernadsky’s hypothesis about the original authorship of A.I. disappears. Glebov in relation to this chapter, since it appeared in the draft after he left the commission." Here I would like to cite evidence from the same work by N.L. Rubinshtein, which tells about the three editions of the III part of the draft Code stored in the codification archive. On the cover with editorial! (consisting of 19 chapters) and II (consisting of 22 chapters) the years 1754 and 1760 are indicated. The researcher is sure that these are the years when work on the editions began: 1754 - on the 1st edition and 1760 - on the 2nd edition. But it is likely that they have significance as the beginning of work on the 1st edition - 1754 and the end of work on the 2nd edition - 1760, when all the work was already completed. And then there is reason to believe that. already being an active participant in the commission, A.I. Glebov took part in the discussion of chapter 22. And therefore he knew about its contents.
Authorship A.I. Glebova is also recognized by M.I. Semevsky. He pays attention to that. that the manifesto was not published in St. Petersburg Vedomosti, while “legalizations edited in this era by Volkov (for example, on commerce, etc.) were reprinted in Vedomosti.” Moreover, about the interest of A.I. Glebov is also evidenced by the fact with what delight he greeted the idea of Peter III about the liberation of the nobility.From the compared facts, we have reason to assume that the author of the text of the manifesto was, after all, A.I. Glebov.
Let us dwell in detail on some aspects of the act under study. The manifesto “On the granting of liberty and freedom to the entire Russian nobility” begins with an indication of the reason for its publication. Peter III saw that the efforts of Peter the Great and his successors were not in vain. The duty of the nobles to serve and study both in Russia and abroad was only beneficial. “We see with our pleasure and every true son of his fatherland
I must admit that odd benefits resulted from this, rudeness was destroyed in those who were careless about the common good, ignorance was changed into common sense, useful knowledge and diligence in service multiplied skilled and brave generals in military affairs, in civil and political affairs it placed knowledgeable and suitable people in matter, in a word, to conclude, the noble ones have instilled in the hearts of all true Russian patriots, boundless loyalty and love for us, great zeal and excellent zeal for our service.”
Therefore, the emperor is confident that the moment has come when it is possible to free the nobles from service “from now on forever, and in hereditary generations we grant all the Russian noble nobility liberty and freedom, which can continue to serve, both in our empire and in other European our allied powers."
But now, as we see, this service is not obligatory and is optional. Nobles have the right to serve both in their Fatherland and abroad. “Whoever, having been dismissed from our service, wishes to go to other European states, to give our Foreign Collegium the appropriate passports without hindrance with such an obligation that when need demands” ... then everyone in such a case is guilty of fulfilling our will with all possible speed, under a fine of sequestration of his estate."
But the following point attracts attention: it turns out that the nobles are entrusted with a special election service “... for all sorts of emergencies. Then We most highly command from now on, whenever the weather changes, there will be thirty people in the Senate, and two twenty people in the Office.”
The manifesto gave the nobles the right to choose to raise their children both in their own country in schools and homes, and abroad. The choice of teaching media did not imply exemption from study. But due to the fact that not all nobles were able to give their children an education corresponding to their position in society, since considerable funds were required, Peter III allows all nobles “with no more than 1000 peasant souls behind them, to declare their children directly in our Nobility cadet corps, where they will be taught with the most diligent care everything that belongs to the knowledge of the noble nobility.”
Further, Peter III hopes that in the future “All the noble Russian nobility, feeling a little of our generosity towards them and the descendants of their generosity, by their all-subordinate loyalty and zeal for us, will be encouraged not to retire, to hide from service, but with jealousy and desire to enter into it and in an honest and not shameful manner, continue it at the very least.” The legislator is confident that the nobility will educate children without reminders from the government and only when absolutely necessary warns “all those. who had no service anywhere, but only as themselves
They will send their children away in laziness and idleness all the time, and they will not use their children for the benefit of their fatherland in any useful sciences. We, as those who are careless about the common good, despise and destroy, we command all our loyal subjects and true sons of the fatherland, and below to the court our arrival or in public meetings and celebrations will be tolerated.”
Undoubtedly, this manifesto was of great importance for the nobility. This document changed their whole lives. This is how S.L. wrote about it. Korf: “Hundreds of nobles began to go to their estates, where they were drawn not at all by the desire to engage in agriculture or to indulge in any local economic and administrative interests, but simply by the desire to take a break from the hated and difficult capital military discipline and puzzling bureaucracy.”
Thus, the new law became the pinnacle in strengthening the position of the nobility as a privileged class. Securing the legal right to freedom from service, he left only a moral obligation for the nobles. The nobility, brought up according to the laws of honor, had to remember their duty in the development of science and selfless service to the people. However, despite the privileges received, one of the first decisive actions of the “free nobility” was to deprive the “liberator” of power. At a time when the nobility as a whole was rejoicing, part of the court nobility and the guard were planning a conspiracy. The strangeness of this behavior is explained by the fact that they needed freedom, but not the emperor, who “did not know” Russia and did not defend its interests. The Guard made a change of power.
Literature and sources
Complete collection of laws of the Russian Empire (PSZ). T.15. No. 11444. pp. 912-915.
2. Essays on the history of the USSR. XVIII century. Second half. M.: Publishing house of the USSR Academy of Sciences. 1956.S. 78
3. PSZ T.13. No. 9909. pp. 541-543; T.N. No. 10234. No. 102234. pp. 85-87; T.15. No. 11197. P.637-638
4. Bolotov A.T. The life and adventures of Andrei Bolotov, described by himself for his descendants. St. Petersburg, 1870. T. 1. P. 131-132.
5. Fanzova I.V. “Manifesto of Liberty” and the service of the nobility in the 18th century. M.: Nauka, 1999. S.Z.
6. Romanovich-Slavatinsky A.V. Nobility in Russia from the beginning of the 18th century. until the abolition of serfdom. St. Petersburg, 1870. P. 195.
7. “On the corruption of morals in Russia” by Prince Shcherbatov and “Journey” by A. Radishchev. M.: Pauka, 1983. P.77-78; Soloviev S.M. History of Russia from ancient times. M.: Mysl, 1965. Book. XIII. P.12-15; Semevsky M.I. Six months from Russian history of the 18th century // Otechestvennye zapiski, St. Petersburg, 1867. T. 173. P. 770; Korf S.A. The nobility and its class management over the century /1762-1855/. St. Petersburg, 1906. P.4; Romanovich-Slavatinsky A.V. Decree. Op. pp. 191-197; Vernadsky G.V. Manifesto of Peter III on the freedom of the nobility and the legislative commission of 1754-1766 // Historical review. Pg„ 1915. T.20. P.51-59.
8. Rubinshtein N.L. Laid commission 1754-1766 and her draft of the new Code “On the state of subjects in general” // Historical Notes. M., 1951. T.38. P.208-251; Troitsky SM. Russian absolutism and the nobility in the 18th century. M.: Science. 1974. pp. 140-144.
9. Mylnikov A.S. Peter III. M.; Young Guard, 2002.P. 149-1 5 1; Fayuva I. V. Decree. Op. P.42.
10. Soloviev S.M. Decree. Op. P.11-12.
11. Large encyclopedic dictionary. M.: Publishing house "Big Russian Encyclopedia", 1998. P.652.
12. Romanovich-Slavatinsky A.V. Decree. Op. P.191.
13. Latkin V.N. Legislative commissions in Russia in the 18th century. SPb.. 1887. T.1 P. 80-184.
14. Vernadsky G.V. Decree. Op. P.55.
15. Ibid. P.58.
16. Rubinshtein N.L. Decree. Op. P.239.
17. “On the corruption of morals in Russia” by Prince Shcherbatov and “Journey” by A. Radishchev. M.: Nauka, 1983. P.77-78.
18. Vernadsky G.V. Decree op. P.53.
19. Dmitry Vasilievich Volkov. Materials for his biography. Letters from D.V. Volkova to G.G. Orlov dated July 10, 1762 // Russian antiquity. St. Petersburg, 1874. T. 1 1. P. 484.
20. Soloviev S.M. Decree. Op. P. 15.
21. Rubinshtein N.L. Decree. Op. P.237.
22. Semevsky M.I. Decree. Op. P.770.
23. PSZ. T.15. No. 11444. P.912-915.
24. Ibid.
25. Ibid.
26. Ibid.
27. Ibid.
28. Ibid.
29. Ibid.
30. Korf S.A. Decree. Op. C.4.
31. Plekhanov G.V. Essays. M.; J1.: State publishing house, 1927. T.24. P.22.
VASILYEVA IZOLDA VALERIEVNA was born in 1969. Graduated from Chuvash State University. Postgraduate student at the Department of Source Studies and Archival Studies of the Chuvash University.___________________________
V.D. DIMITRIEV
CITY PEOPLE, LANDSCAPE PEOPLE, MONASTERIES AND SERVE PEASANTS OF CHEBOKSARY, TSIVILSKY, YADRINSKY, KOKSHAYSKY DISTRICTS ACCORDING TO CENSUS BOOKS OF 1646
In Russia from the end of the 15th to the end of the 18th century. Scribe censuses (often with land surveying) of lands and tax-paying population were carried out to collect taxes. Scribe and land survey books contain the most valuable information about land ownership and peasants. In 1646, a census of the tax-paying population was carried out for the first time throughout Russia - census books were compiled. Only the male population was enumerated. In the Russian State Archive of Ancient Acts (RGADA), in fund 1209 - Local order - census books of 1646 of Cheboksary, Yadrinsky, Kozmodemyansky have been preserved. Sviyazhsk, Kokshay districts.
In this article we will try to outline the main content of the census books of Cheboksary, Tsivilsky, Yadrinsky and Kokshay districts so that it can be used as a source.
The census book of the Cheboksary district begins with the words: “In the summer of July 7154 (1646), on the 12th day, according to the sovereign, the tsar and the Grand Duke Alexei Mikhailovich of All Russia, by decree and by order from the Kazan Palace, signed by clerk Pyatov Spiridonov Ofonasey Grigorievich Lodyzhenskaya and clerks Ondrey Bulygin, having arrived in the city of Cheboksary at the settlement of the Sadtsky trade and craft people in the city and in the district, in estates and estates in villages and in repairs of peasant and boby [b] courtyards, and in the courtyards of themselves and their children and brother[ b]yu, and nephews, and grandchildren, and backbones were copied from their fathers and from their nicknames.”
On the outskirts of the Cheboksary city in the courtyards:
1) Ivan Sergeev, son of Sevrin, 4 sons, 1 grandson: “and he bought that little tarchenka Stenka from him”; 2) Ya.A. Moskvitinov, brother, 3 sons; 3) M.I. Tveritin, 1 son; “from him, Mikhail, Onisimko Mikhailov, a resident of Nizhny Novgorod, was taken from him for a difficult period”; 4) A.M. Kozlov, 3 brothers, 3 sons, a brother has 1 son, “yes, their cousin Ivashko Petrov was taken from them for good years”; 5) G.I. Kovshenikov, 1 son, 1 father-in-law (“poor and old”); “Yes, Gavrila, he bought a Tatar boy from him
