2. A turn in policy towards the new government of China. Determining the main course for the capture of China During the course of the war, Japan began to increasingly manifest a desire to solve the Chinese problem as quickly as possible and direct all attention to the war with America

The conquest of China by the Rus and Aryans of the Shang Dynasty The opposition of the Chinese to the Rus and Aryans caused the rejection of many of the rules established by them. The first step in this direction was the violation of the rules for organizing community life. The Russes and Aryans strictly observed the Ancestral Foundations, so they

1. CONQUEST OF CHINA BY THE MONGOLS

In the 12th century. On the territory of modern China, four states coexisted: in the north - the Jurchen Jin Empire, in the northwest - the Tangut state of Western Xia, in the south - the South Song Empire and the state formation of Nanzhao (Dali) in Yunnan.

This balance of power was the result of foreign invasions of nomadic tribes that settled on Chinese lands. There was no longer a united China. Moreover, when at the beginning of the 13th century. the danger of Mongol conquest loomed over the country, each of the states turned out to be extremely weakened by internal turmoil and was unable to defend its independence. Tribes consisting of Tatars, Tai-chiuts, Kereits, Naimans, Merkits, later known as the Mongols, appeared on the northern borders of China. at the beginning of the 13th century As early as the middle of the 12th century, they roamed the territory of modern Mongolia, in the upper reaches of the Heilongjiang River and in the steppes surrounding Lake Baikal.

The natural conditions of the Mongols' habitats determined the occupation of nomadic cattle breeding, which emerged from the primitive complex of agriculture, pastoralism and hunting. In search of pastures rich in grass and water, suitable for grazing large and small livestock, as well as horses, the Mongolian Tribes roamed the vast expanses of the Great Steppe. Domestic animals supplied the nomads with food. Felt was made from wool - a building material for yurts; shoes and household items were made from leather. Handicraft products were used for domestic consumption, while livestock was exchanged for the products of agriculture and urban crafts of sedentary neighbors necessary for the nomads. The significance of this trade was all the more significant, the more diversified nomadic cattle breeding became. The development of Mongolian society was largely stimulated by ties with China. Thus, it was from there that iron products penetrated into the Mongolian steppes. The experience of the blacksmiths of Chinese masters, used by the Mongols to make weapons, was used by them in the struggle for pastures and slaves. The central figure of Mongolian society were personally free arats. In conditions of extensive nomadic cattle breeding, these ordinary nomads herded livestock, sheared sheep, and made traditional carpets necessary in every yurt. Their farms sometimes used the labor of enslaved prisoners of war.

The nomadic society of the Mongols underwent significant transformation over time. Initially, the traditions of the tribal community were sacredly observed. So, for example, during constant nomadism, the entire population of the clan at the sites was located in a circle around the yurt of the clan elder, thereby forming a kind of camp-kuren. It was this tradition of spatial organization of society that helped to survive in difficult, sometimes life-threatening conditions of the steppe, when the nomadic community was not yet sufficiently developed and needed the constant cooperation of all its members. Starting from the end of the 12th century. With the growth of property inequality, the Mongols began to migrate as ails, i.e. small family groups connected by blood ties. With the disintegration of the clan, during a long struggle for power, the first tribal unions took shape, headed by hereditary rulers who expressed the will of the tribal nobility - the Noyons, the people of the “white bone”.

Among the heads of clans, Esugei-Batur (from the Bordzhigin clan) especially rose to prominence, who roamed the steppe expanses east and north of Ulaanbaatar and became the leader-kagan of a powerful clan - a tribal association. Yesugei-batur's successor was his son Temujin. Having inherited his father's warlike character, he gradually subjugated the lands in the West - to the Altai Range and in the East - to the upper reaches of Heilongjiang, uniting almost the entire territory of modern Mongolia. In 1203, he managed to defeat his political rivals - Khan Jamu-khu, and then Van Khan.

In 1206, at the congress of noyons - kurultai - Temujin was proclaimed the all-Mongol ruler under the name of Genghis Khan (c. 1155-1227). He called his state Mongolian and immediately began his campaigns of conquest. The so-called Yasa of Chinggis Khan was adopted, which legitimized wars of conquest as a way of life for the Mongols. In this activity, which became an everyday activity for them, the central role was given to the cavalry army, hardened by constant nomadic life.

The pronounced military way of life of the Mongols gave rise to a unique institution of nukers - armed warriors in the service of noyons, recruited mainly from the tribal nobility. From these clan squads, the armed forces of the Mongols were created, bonded by blood ties and led by leaders tested in long grueling campaigns. In addition, conquered peoples often joined the troops, strengthening the power of the Mongol army.

Wars of conquest began with the Mongol invasion of the Western Xia state in 1209. The Tanguts were forced not only to recognize themselves as vassals of Genghis Khan, but also to side with the Mongols in the fight against the Jurchen Jin Empire. Under these conditions, the South Song government also went over to Genghis Khan’s side: trying to take advantage of the situation, it stopped paying tribute to the Jurchens and entered into an agreement with Genghis Khan. Meanwhile, the Mongols began to actively establish their power over Northern China. In 1210 they invaded the state of Jin (in Shanxi Province).

At the end of the XII - beginning of the XIII century. Great changes took place in the Jin Empire. Some of the Jurchens began to lead a sedentary lifestyle and engage in agriculture. The process of demarcation in the Jurchen ethnic group sharply aggravated the contradictions within it. The loss of monolithic unity and previous combat capability was one of the reasons for the defeat of the Jurchens in the war with the Mongols. In 1215, Genghis Khan captured Beijing after a long siege. His generals led their troops to Shandong. Then part of the troops moved northeast towards Korea. But the main forces of the Mongol army returned to their homeland, from where in 1 2 1 8 they began a campaign to the West. In 1218, having captured the former lands of the Western Liao, the Mongols reached the borders of the Khorezm state in Central Asia.

In 1217, Genghis Khan again attacked the Western Xia, and then eight years later launched a decisive offensive against the Tanguts, inflicting a bloody pogrom on them. The Mongol conquest of Western Xia ended in 1227. The Tanguts were slaughtered almost entirely. Genghis Khan himself participated in their destruction. Returning home from this campaign, Genghis Khan died. The Mongolian state was temporarily headed by his youngest son Tului.

In 1229, the third son of Genghis Khan, Ogedei, was proclaimed Great Khan. The capital of the empire was Karakorum (southwest of modern Ulaanbaatar).

The Mongol cavalry then headed south of the Great Wall of China, seizing the lands remaining under Jurchen rule. It was during this difficult time for the Jin state that Ogedei concluded an anti-Jurchen military alliance with the Southern Song emperor, promising him the lands of Henan. By agreeing to this alliance, the Chinese government hoped, with the help of the Mongols, to defeat long-time enemies - the Jurchens - and return the lands they had seized. However, these hopes were not destined to come true.

The war in Northern China continued until 1234 and ended with the complete defeat of the Jurchen kingdom. The country was terribly devastated. Having barely finished the war with the Jurchens, the Mongol khans launched military operations against the southern Songs, terminating the treaty with them. A fierce war began that lasted about a century. When Mongol troops invaded the Song Empire in 1235, they met fierce resistance from the population. The besieged cities stubbornly defended themselves. In 1251, it was decided to send a large army led by Kublai Kublai to China. The Great Khan Mongke, who died in Sichuan, took part in one of the campaigns.

Beginning in 1257, the Mongols attacked the South Sung Empire from different directions, especially after their troops marched to the Fans of Dai Viet and subjugated Tibet and the state of Nanzhao. However, the Mongols managed to occupy the southern Chinese capital of Hangzhou only in 1276. But even after that, detachments of Chinese volunteers continued to fight. In particular, the army led by the major dignitary Wen Tianxiang (1236-1282) offered fierce resistance to the invaders.

After a long defense in Jiangxi in 1276, Wen Tianxiang was defeated and captured. He preferred the death penalty to serving Kublai. The patriotic poems and songs he created while in prison became widely known. In 1280, in battles at sea, the Mongols defeated the remnants of the Chinese troops.

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Mongol rule in China

The Mongol conquest of the territory of modern China lasted almost seven decades: During it, several states were defeated and destroyed - the Tangut Western Xia, the Jurchen Jin, formed by local peoples "Black Man" in the southwest of the country of Dali (formerly Nanzhao), and, finally, the Chinese Southern Song proper.

The successes of the Mongols in the first stage of the conquest of China, which can be dated to 1209-1220. and during which Beijing was captured in 1215, were due to the fact that the Jurchen power was built on national oppression and was internally fragile.

The Southern Song government hoped to acquire an ally in the Mongols to defeat the Jin. This manifested itself in the second stage of the Mongol conquest. It began with the final defeat of Xi Xia in 1227 and the consolidation of Mongol power in Shandong in the same year. In 1230-1233 Liaodong is completely subordinate to her. In 1233, Mongol troops crossed the Yellow River and besieged Kaifeng. The Jin government managed to move to Caizhou (Rongan). But the following year this last capital was taken by the joint efforts of the Mongols and South Chinese troops. The Jin state ceased to exist. However, the Southern Song's attempt to annex its lands south of the Yellow River was met with rebuff from its former allies. At the end of 1235, regular hostilities began between the Mongols and the Song Empire.

This opens the third stage of the Mongol conquest. In 1236-1237, armies of invaders invaded the areas of southern Shaanxi, Sichuan Hubei, southern Henan, and Anhui. However, in the 40s of the 13th century. raids become less frequent, although sometimes they reach Jiangsu territory. This comparative calm can be explained by the concern for strengthening their rear by the new great khan, Mongke. Preparing a new blow, Mongol troops in 1252-1253. defeated the Dali state and in 1257 invaded the northern part of Vietnam. After this, an offensive against the Song was launched in 1258. Many Chinese cities and the armies put up stubborn resistance. The southern column of the Mongols failed to take Tanzhou, the northern - Ezhou, and in August 1259, the commander of the column in Sichuan, Mongke, died. A struggle for power began among the Mongol elite, and they chose to leave South China, making peace with it on the terms of receiving tribute.

In 1260, Kublai Khan was secured on the throne of the Great Khan, who in 1264 moved the capital of his state to Dadu (Beijing). Following this, a new stage of the conquest of China begins. In 1267, Mongol troops set out on a campaign, but significant forces were shackled by an almost five-year siege of the heroically defended cities of Xiangyang and Fancheng. In 1273 both fortresses fell. From here the Mongols moved towards the Song capital. In 1275, the city of Changzhou (in Jiangsu) was captured and destroyed, and Yangzhou was besieged. On March 19 of the same year, in the decisive battle of Dingjiazhou, the Song army was defeated.

Following this, the conquerors, almost without resistance, captured a significant part of Central-South China and in February 1276 captured the capital of the Song - the city of Lin'an (Hangzhou). The emperor was captured. Patriotic circles tried to continue resistance later, proclaiming a new emperor, but were defeated. In 1279, the last base of resistance in the Yaishan region (in Guangdong) was defeated. The Song Dynasty finally fell, the entire country found itself at the mercy of the conquerors and their accomplices.

The system of administrative management of the conquered Chinese territories was established over a long period of time. Initially, the Mongols handed over captured cities and regions to the Mongol commanders who captured them, or to the Khitan and Chinese, who surrendered them without a fight. As a result, until the end of the 20s of the 13th century. a significant part of Northern China, subject to the Mongols, was a semi-independent possession, the Great Khan’s power over which was rather weak. However, even then, these local rulers could receive Chinese-style titles and positions, borrowed from the nomenclature of the Jin Empire.

The Great Khan's power in Northern China was represented by a governor, who in 1217-1223. was commander Mukhali. He had a certain staff of trusted persons in charge of management affairs, who also bore Chinese-style official titles. In 1224-1225 One of the main figures in Northern China becomes the Uyghur nobleman Jafar, who received the position of darugachi - an authorized representative of the Khan's headquarters to control the dignitaries installed in the conquered areas. However, the presence of these representatives of the supreme power did not prevent petty rulers from remaining masters of the local situation.

The creation of a state apparatus with established powers in the conquered Chinese lands began after Ogedei ascended the Great Khan's throne in 1229. He took steps to streamline and strengthen his power, using the Chinese experience of administration in its Jurchen-Chinese refraction. In 1230, the Khan's adviser, Khitan by origin and Chinese dignitary in spirit, Yelu Chutsai, submitted to headquarters a project for organizing a management system in Northern China. The project was aimed at creating an administration for the sedentary population, separate from the administration of nomads, according to the Chinese model. The point was to reduce the appanage system and ultimately strengthen the Great Khan's power. A certain part of the Mongol feudal nobility sharply opposed this, believing that it was possible to continue to practice the predatory exploitation of the conquered lands. There were even proposals to eradicate the Chinese population and turn the vacated lands into pastures for livestock. However, the more pragmatic “Chinese” party prevailed.

In 1230, the territory of Northern China was divided into Yulu - something like provinces. They were to be headed by zhangli (“senior officials”), who led tax departments (keshuiso) and were equal in rank to temniks (commanders of 10,000-strong detachments) in areas with a Mongol population. In 1231, the highest civil administrative body was created - zhongshusheng ("Palace Secretariat") - headed by Yelu Chutsai. The head of the secretariat was subordinate to the traditional Chinese Six Departments (ranks, taxes, rituals, judicial, public works and military). In the provinces - lu - local secretariats were established - xing-zhongshusheng. In 1237, Yelü Chutsai legalized the recruitment of 4,030 Chinese dignitaries and restored the examination system for selecting them for positions.

However, these steps did not lead to a quick and complete restructuring of management in the Chinese way. Large Mongolian and Jurchen nobles found themselves in many positions at the head of the administration. They continued to commit arbitrariness and rob the population. Administrative chaos increased due to the expansion of conquered territory in the mid-30s.

In addition, in 1236, under pressure from the Mongol nobility, which emphasized the preservation of traditions, Ogedei distributed a significant part of the territory and population of Northern China as fiefs (fen da) to his relatives and the military elite. Yelü Chutsai's attempt to avoid this was unsuccessful. He only achieved the establishment of darugachi in the fiefs, which were supposed to limit the rights of owners in collecting taxes. But the latter practically remained complete masters of their destinies. With the death of Ogedei in 1241, Yelu Chutsai was removed from the court and the position of the pro-Chinese group was further weakened.

The construction of an administrative system of control was continued after Kublai Kublai ascended the throne in 1260 and he transferred the Great Khan's headquarters directly to China - to Beijing - in 1264. In 1271, all the possessions of the Great Khan were declared an empire following the Chinese model, which received the name Yuan. Its administrative system was based on Chinese models, partly introduced under Ogedei. But features that reflected the specifics of the then political situation also remained. Along with Beijing (Dadu), Karakorum and Shandu (Khanbalchasun, later Kaiping) were considered equal capitals. The Zhongshusheng remained the highest government body instead of the three government chambers that had existed in China since the 7th century, and the post of head of the secretariat became the prerogative of the heir to the throne. But since the heir was supposed to live in Karakorum and rule Mongolia proper, this post remained vacant, and the actual management of the secretariat was carried out by the “senior chancellor” (yu-chengxiang). Under the emperor, a “Military Council” (shumiyuan) and a “Censorate” (yuishitai) were established, which controlled the work of officials. Six Departments continued to report to the Secretariat. There were also councils (jui) in charge of various types government crafts.

The country's territory was divided into two provinces, governed by local secretariats (xing-zhongshusheng). There were also local Military Councils there.

The gradual Sinicization of the administrative system of the Yuan Empire was reflected in the attraction of an increasing number of Chinese officials, Khubilai’s confirmation of the procedure for the examination selection of candidates for positions (1264), the legal abolition in 1265 of the practice of inheritance of positions, and a clear separation in 1278 of the functions of military and civil authorities , the application of Chinese legislation along with the “Great Yasa” code approved by Genghis Khan. In 1325, representatives of the Chinese ruling class were given the opportunity to purchase official ranks. However, in general, the administrative system remained not as harmonious as it might seem. Not to mention the fact that it was different for China and Mongolia that were part of it; in some areas of the country there were a kind of governorships - syuachweis. Chinese national minorities were governed by their leaders - Tus - and were subject only to tribute. Part of the territories in Shaidong, Shanxi, Hebei and other places were not part of the provinces, but were subordinate directly to the Palace Secretariat, constituting a kind of Great Khan's domain. Finally, there were the above-mentioned destinies of the Mongolian nobility, which practically fell out of the control of the central and local administration. There is evidence that about half of all taxpayer farms registered in Northern China were transferred to destinies.

In an effort to maintain and consolidate their superiority over the Chinese, the Mongols, as a rule, occupied key leadership positions in both the central and provincial apparatus. They also trusted immigrants from the countries of Central and Western Asia, while they preferred to keep the Chinese in positions of “assistants” to their bosses. The examination system began to operate only in 1314, functioned irregularly and provided advantages to the Mongols and people from Muslim countries. Many official posts went to people from the Khan's guard.

The dominance of the Yuan Empire was largely based on the power of the army. Its main force remained the Mongol troops, who had not undergone any significant structural changes since the time of Genghis Khan. The Khan's guard of 12 thousand people was stationed in Beijing. Large forces were concentrated in the Karakoram region. Mongol and Chinese troops garrisoned all significant cities of the empire. Marco Polo testified: “In every city there are at least 1000 people [soldiers], and another city is guarded by 10 thousand, and in another 20, or even 30 thousand.”

In their relations with foreign countries, the Mongol rulers used the traditional Chinese doctrine of predetermined suzerainty (universal monarchy). However, by establishing an ambassadorial exchange, the Mongols began to demand not nominal, but real manifestations of dependence (the arrival of local rulers at the khan’s headquarters, the sending of hostages, the provision of assistance by troops, etc.). This met with resistance in many countries, which soon became the object of the conquest of the Yuan court. In the 70-90s of the 13th century. attempts were made to invade Japan, campaigns in Burma, Champa, Vietnam and Java. However, these campaigns did not lead to the subjugation of these countries; diplomatic and trade relations with overseas countries entered the mainstream of traditional ambassadorial exchanges.

After 1254, the empire included Tibet. A special body was created to manage it, which was headed by a lama who had great influence at the Mongol court. The Uyghur cities in Central Asia became for many years the object of rivalry between Kublai Kublai and Haidu, who fought against him. The Yuan Empire was never able to achieve control over these areas. In real vassal dependence on the Yuan court was Koryo (Korea), where the Mongol governorate was established.

During Mongol rule in China, a number of European missionaries and merchants traveled here: Marco Polo, Giovani Montecorvino (together with Pietro di Lucalongo and Nicolo from Pistoia), Arnold from Cologne, Odorico Pordenone, Giovani Marignolli. This reflected the increased interest in trade with the East and the fear of new aggressive campaigns of the Mongols in Europe. The information left by many of these travelers formed the basis of the first real knowledge medieval Europe about China.

Despite its military might, the Mongol Empire was not distinguished by its internal strength. From the very beginning, the vast Mongol power was undermined by civil strife, caused by discord in the ruling house and the relative independence of the large military-feudal Mongol nobility. The struggle for power between Kublai Kublai and Arig Bugha, which began in 1260, then developed into civil strife that lasted almost 40 years. As a result, by the time the Yuan Empire was formed, the vast domains of the Mongol conquerors had broken up into a number of independent states not subject to the Great Khan. The struggle for the throne at the Yuan court intensified again in the 10s - early 30s of the 14th century. Internal strife continued under the last emperor of the Yuan dynasty, Togon Timur (1333-1367). All this was accompanied by the disintegration of the ruling Yuan elite: the weakening of the power of the emperor, the violation of established state orders, and the increasing arbitrariness of courtiers and dignitaries. Attempts by Bayan, who became chancellor, to strengthen central power and raise the lost combat effectiveness of the troops were in vain.

The oppressed Chinese population did not remain submissive either. In some years at the end of the 13th century. the conquerors had to pacify from 200 to 400 small, isolated outbreaks of resistance. In the mid-30s of the 14th century. Popular movements against the Yuan authorities began to acquire a massive character. In 1351, an uprising began, raised by the White Lotus Buddhist sect in Yingzhou County (Anhui Province). The warriors of the units she created wore red bands on their heads, and these formations began to be called “red troops.” The uprising was led by Han Shantong (who soon died) and Liu Futong. New centers of uprisings with their own leaders arose. In 1352, an uprising began under the leadership of Guo Zixing in Haozhou (Fenyang, Anhui Province). Later it was led by Zhu Yuanzhang, who firmly settled in the Jiqing (Nanjing) region and successfully continued the fight after the Mongols defeated the “red troops” in the early 60s. Having strengthened and expanded his base in the fight against rivals for power and influence in Central-South China, Zhu Yuanzhang sent troops north, took the Yuan capital Beijing in January 1368 and proclaimed himself emperor of a new dynasty - the Ming. The Yuan court fled to Mongolia and soon completely lost its remaining possessions in China.

The Mongol conquest in China was accompanied by massive loss of life and destruction of the economy. The areas of Northern China and the Central Plain that were subjected to the first waves of conquest suffered especially. For example, in 1213-1214. Here, 90 cities were destroyed and plundered, several hundred thousand civilians were killed, and areas along the Yellow River for tens and hundreds of kilometers were turned into deserted spaces. The population of conquered areas and surrendered cities was considered “captured” and driven away en masse. The inhabitants of resisting cities were often completely exterminated, as prescribed by the tradition cultivated by Genghis Khan. Official statistics by the end of the 13th century. reflected a sharp decline in the population of Northern China.

The population of China continued to be mercilessly fleeced even after the cessation of hostilities due to the reigning lawlessness and arbitrariness of the Mongol military commanders and their henchmen who were entrenched in the localities. However, part of the Mongol nobility and the Khitan-Jurchen and Chinese dignitaries and feudal lords who came to serve the Mongols were interested in establishing a certain system of exploitation of the conquered areas. In this regard, many large cities in Northern and Central China, already in the first stages of the Mongol conquest, avoided the fate of complete destruction and destruction, even when showing stubborn resistance to the invaders. An example is the preservation of Beijing in 1215 and Kaifeng in 1233. In this regard, it is characteristic that during the campaign of 1258-1259. Khubilai began to fight the robberies and murders of civilians. In general, Central-South China suffered from direct conquest much less than Northern China, since by the second half of the 13th century. The Mongol rulers began to increasingly adopt the methods of exploiting the population that had previously existed in China.

The beginning was made in 1230, when Yelü Chutsai and his associates tried, along with establishing administrative management, to establish order in taxation. They managed to persuade the Khan's headquarters to introduce a Chinese-style taxation system. This procedure provided for the centralization of tax collection and thereby removing them from the hands of Mongol proxies on the ground. For this purpose, in 1233, a partial, and the following year, a general census and compilation of tax registers began. At the end of the census in 1236, poll, land and household taxes were established. The per capita amount was from 1 to 0.5 shi of grain (1 shi then - about 95 liters) per adult male. The land tax was calculated for each mu of land depending on its quality and ranged from 0.05 to 0.02 shi of grain. The householders took silk and silver. In 1267, another household tax was introduced - on the salaries of officials.

In addition, as before in China, there were various additional levies and labor duties (construction, carriage, supply, etc.). Particularly burdensome for the population was the obligation to supply Mongol envoys, generals and khan's relatives passing through its territory, who moved very often and usually with a large number of accompanying people.

This system operated in Northern China. However, there was no uniformity in taxation. For example, when paying household taxes, there were 7 categories and 10 categories of households paying different amounts; there was no uniformity in the conversion of the rates collected from silk into money. There was a practice of transferring part of the tax collection to merchants (usually of Muslim origin). In 1239, Abd-ar-Rahman received the entire tax in Northern China, contributing to the treasury an amount that exceeded the established tax norms.

In Southern China, the system of “two taxes” (lyap shui) practiced under the Southern Song was preserved. In general, the tax burden in South China was noticeably lighter than in North China.

The collection of taxes was accompanied by the constant arbitrariness of officials and violence on the part of local Mongol proteges. This encouraged the peasants to flee and go “under the protection” of large landowners. By the end of the 30s of the 13th century. among registered households there were 350 thousand runaways. Many fled to the south: this prompted the Mongol authorities to introduce strict mutual responsibility. The increasing burden of taxes ultimately caused massive popular unrest starting in the late 30s of the 14th century.

Along with centralized tax exploitation in China, which fell under Mongol rule, private exploitation of a significant part of the peasantry continued to exist, as before. The specificity consisted only in some redistribution of large land holdings, mainly in Northern China. The Mongol conquerors and their henchmen seized vast possessions from the former state land funds of the Jin and Song empires, and confiscated the lands of resisting dignitaries and feudal lords. Vast possessions were distributed to the Mongol nobility and dignitaries and military leaders who collaborated with the conquerors in the form of a gift. Buddhist monasteries, which enjoyed the patronage of the Yuan court, received significant land. In Southern China, local landowners retained the bulk of their property. The current legal regulations clearly separated these private lands (si tian, ming tian) from state-owned (guan tian), to public lands (gong tian) and allocated to appanages (fen da).

The land, initially converted by the Mongolian nobility into pastures, began in the second half of the 13th century. They return to field farming and begin to work, as before, with the labor of small tenants and part-time workers. In the central-southern regions of the country, the system of rental exploitation on the lands of large and medium-sized owners has remained almost unchanged. In this regard, in agriculture China at the end of the 13th - first half of the 14th century. there is a trend that emerged back in the 10th - early 13th centuries - a gradual increase in private land holdings and expansion rental relations. The methods of increasing privately owned land remained the same - open or veiled seizure of state-owned and peasant plots, forcing peasants to go “under the protection” of the “rich and noble,” buying up land, which was practiced quite freely during the period described.

Large landowners could have thousands or tens of thousands of tenants. Rent (rent) was calculated either from a measure of land or from a share of the harvest. On average, it ranged from 1.3 to 2.6 shi of grain per mu. In shared terms, the rent could reach half the harvest. The central government has repeatedly and unsuccessfully tried to set rent limits. At the same time, it sought to take away part of the rent in its favor, ordering South Chinese landowners, in addition to paying taxes, to contribute from 1/3 to 2/3 of the rent to the treasury.

Landowners tried by all means (concealment, forgery, bribery of officials) to reduce the payment of taxes due on their land or to avoid them altogether (only gift lands were not taxed, appanage lands were partially taxed). In 1295, an inspection of households was organized in order to identify the rich people hidden “under the protection”. In 1314-1315 a comprehensive audit of the land fund began to identify areas hidden from taxes. But it was not possible to bring this matter to completion.

In Northern China, in the households of the Mongolian nobility, military leaders and their Khitan, Chinese and other accomplices, forced, practically slave labor of prisoners of war and civilians captured during the conquest and enslaved - qukou (var.: quding) - was widely practiced. Taxes for slaves were set at half the rate of a free commoner and were paid by their owners.

Quite a few qukou were assigned to state lands. They cultivated the fields of soldiers in military settlements planted by the Mongols back in 1252.

State-owned lands could also be cultivated by state tenants. Their rent was higher than the ordinary tax, but lower than the rent on private lands. Official lands were also allocated from state funds for officials. Depending on their rank, northern Chinese officials received from 2 to 16 qing of land, and southern Chinese officials from 1 to 8 qing. Tenants were assigned to these lands in a specified number from 30 to more than 700 people. The rent collected from them in favor of the official owner approximately coincided with the rent on privately owned fields.

Temple land ownership became widespread in the Yuan Empire. Buddhist and, to a lesser extent, Taoist monasteries, in addition to the aforementioned receiving of land as a gift, replenished their possessions by purchasing and seizing fields. The property of many monasteries amounted to thousands of qins of land. Their lands were considered eternal possession and were cultivated not only by the brethren, but also by tenants assigned to or transferred under the protection of the monasteries.

During the Mongol conquests in China, cities were subjected to the greatest devastation. This could not but have a negative impact on the development of crafts and trade in the country. The presence of Mongol garrisons in Chinese cities did not contribute to the progress of the urban economy. But the cities of Southern, especially Southeast, China suffered significantly less than those in the North and Central Plain. By the end of the 13th century, according to Marco Polo, city life was revived. From his description it follows that the Chinese cities of that time were populous, comfortable and beautiful. The European gaze noticed here a clear property and class stratification, lively trade, the presence of many crafts and a certain trade specialization (in Suzhou - silk, in Dehua - porcelain, in Xi'an - silk, brocade, military equipment, etc.).

The Mongol conquerors valued crafts and often saved the lives of artisans in ravaged cities. Captured artisans were considered prisoners and were distributed between the central court (treasury) and individual khan relatives, military leaders and dignitaries. In 1279, there were 420 thousand different craftsmen on the register lists. State-owned artisans worked in state workshops, under the supervision of elders, received raw materials and allowances from the authorities and handed over all their products to them. In the private urban craft, the professional cooperation of the previous time was preserved - khans, tuans, etc. There are no visible structural changes in these organizations. Of interest is Marco Polo's information about craft workshops in Hangzhou, numbering from 10 to 40 workers, where the owners and craftsmen themselves do not work, but only receive income.

The Yuan government, understanding the benefits that trading activities brought to the treasury, generally preserved the procedures established in the Song Empire in this area. As before, the treasury retained the monopoly right to control the extraction and resale of such goods as salt, iron, precious and non-ferrous metals, tea, wine and vinegar, receiving at the same time (even when transferring some part of these goods into private hands) large income. A trade tax was established at 1/30 of the cost of goods, there were many customs offices, government officials monitored compliance with established trade rules, and forced purchases of goods at reduced prices were practiced. The government took care of trade routes and even tried to combat the robbery of merchants by demanding compensation for their losses from the local population. Merchants who came to China from the countries of Central and Western Asia enjoyed special patronage from the authorities.

Overseas trade in the port cities of the southeast coast continued to be controlled by the Offices of Maritime Trade (shibos). After the required share was withdrawn from the treasury, imported items were put on sale. The entry of private Chinese traders into the sea, previously limited by all kinds of registration and control, was completely prohibited in 1284. The authorities tried to establish trade using government ships. But the ban, although confirmed in 1315, remained ineffective. In 1316, private overseas trade was again allowed under the same conditions. However, in parallel, the practice of equipping state-owned merchant ships continued.

The trade situation in the country has become more complicated financial situation. Since the time of Ogedei, banknotes have become the main means of payment. In 1260, banknotes of nine different denominations were issued. Initially they were backed by precious metals. But soon the treasury, in pursuit of profit, began to issue banknotes in excessive quantities. Their annual production in 1286 exceeded the level of 1260 by more than 27 times. Paper money quickly became worthless. This led to the preference for barter in trade. At the same time, the role of precious metals as a means of payment increased. Usury became widespread during the Yuan period.

The Mongol conquest made significant adjustments to the social structure that had developed in the Song Empire, adding elements of national inequality to it. The country's population was divided into 4 categories: the Mongols, who enjoyed the greatest privileges and rights; immigrants from Western countries (semuren), who served the Mongols and also held a high position; Chinese, Khitan and Jurchen, who inhabited the former Jin Empire, as well as the territory of Sichuan Province (Hanren), who had a lower social status compared to the first two categories; residents of the former Song Empire (Nanren), who occupied the lowest social level. This was reflected primarily in the situation in the ruling strata of society. The Mongolian nobility and semuren pushed the Chinese elite not only from the leadership of the army and military affairs, but also to a large extent from the commanding heights in administrative management. Representatives of the first two layers received the most inheritances, land donations, and generous distributions from the treasury. If northern Chinese officials could sometimes achieve fairly high positions, then in some areas in the south many “noble and rich” were actually equated to the position of commoners. The irregularity and inegalitarian nature of the examination system under the Yuan also limited the opportunity for the nomination of representatives of the previously dominant elite. Only in the mid-20s of the 14th century. One can trace some improvement in the attitude of the Yuan authorities towards the traditionally dominant strata in China, which, however, did not change the general situation.

Among the exploited classes and estates, the most noticeable feature of the time described was the sharp increase in the disadvantaged population. First of all, these were the above-mentioned captured “captives”, i.e. enslaved during the conquest of Qukou (Quiding). Their position differed little from that of a slave: they could be sold by their master, did not dare to complain about him, were subjected to more severe punishments than ordinary commoners, did not have the right to marry free people, their children inherited the status of their parents. Law codes equated them to the property of the owner. True, during the census of 1234-1236. It was ordered that those qukou who live separately from the owner and run their own farms should be considered ordinary peasants paying taxes to the state. However, the owner’s patronage over them could not disappear without a trace and, to some extent, had to be preserved.

In addition, there were household slaves - jiangu (the number of which among individual Mongol dignitaries reached several tens of thousands), military slaves - junnu, government and temple slaves and dependents used in the army. At the initial stages of the conquest, people of the scholarly and service class (shenshi) also fell into slavery. There were also cases of the conquerors turning the conquered population into butqu - a category of incomplete workers common in China in the 3rd-8th centuries. Under Kublai, it was forbidden to capture and enslave full-fledged people But the replenishment of the stratum of slaves continued through self-sale and the sale of family members by bankrupt peasants, which became widespread during the Yuan era.There were even special slave trading markets.

A feature of the period described was not just a quantitative increase in disadvantaged sections of the population, but also their wider use in agriculture and cattle breeding; Most of the artisans also found themselves in a disadvantaged position. The labor of state artisans was forced, a profession in mandatory was inherited by their descendants, marriages were limited, the treasury kept them on a set food ration and set of clothes.

As for the position of the full-fledged (free) peasantry - minhu, it was still not separated by an official social line from the untitled, “ordinary” landowners who lived by exploiting the labor of others. Its position as a whole remained approximately the same as in the 10th-12th centuries. (except for the increased arbitrariness of the authorities). But quantitatively this category of the peasantry has decreased somewhat due to the increase in non-full-fledged strata and tenants. In some areas of Central-South China, communities (lijia) of 20 households were forcibly planted in order to control the population. In 1271 it was ordered to create communities of 50 households.

During the conquest, many Mongol warriors moved to China with their families and property, especially to the northern and central regions. Their social status, even if they did not become lijia overseers, was higher than that of the ordinary Chinese population. But there were cases of their ruin and even the sale of their family members into slavery, despite the efforts of the government to provide them with material assistance.

Buddhist (especially Lamaist) and Taoist monks enjoyed certain privileges and government protection. It was strictly forbidden to insult them by action or vilify them with words. Legally, monks had to pay land and trade taxes if they were engaged in agriculture and trade. But in fact, special decrees and concessions exempted them from this. The income of the monasteries from parishioners and especially from extensive land holdings and various contributions was very large. Privileges, especially in the trade, usury and managerial spheres of activity, were received (at least until 1312) by Muslim communities that penetrated China from the west. Servants of the Confucian cult, although they could receive tax exemptions, did not enjoy obvious patronage from the authorities, like Buddhists and Taoists.

Ethnic situation in China in the XIII - mid-XIV centuries. was characterized by two main points: national oppression by the Mongols and the legalized opposition between the northern and southern Chinese. Both were clearly manifested in the above-mentioned division of the population into four categories. National oppression, in addition to the direct enslavement of part of the population, arbitrariness and robberies of the Mongolian nobility and military leaders, was expressed in the legal defeat of the rights of the Chinese in relation to the Mongols (different punishments for similar crimes, branding of convicted Chinese, etc.), pushing the Chinese out of senior management positions posts, all kinds of humiliating prohibitions - not to have weapons (Chinese military units handed them over in peacetime), not to study military skills, foreign languages, do not organize mass gatherings, do not appear on the street at night, do not keep horses, etc. This oppression became one of the main factors leading to the fall of Mongol rule in China.

The existing differences between the northern and southern Chinese were consolidated and exploited by the Mongol conquerors. However, despite the legal advantages of the northern Chinese, it was they who bore the heaviest burden during the period of conquest. Therefore, in the 13th century. There is a new wave of mass relocation of residents of the northern regions and the Central Plain to the south and southeast.

The period of domination of the Mongols throughout China covers only a little over 70 years (by the mid-50s of the 14th century, the central-southern regions were practically abandoned). Therefore, one cannot expect noticeable changes in material culture in such a short period of time. However, according to what appeared at the beginning of the 14th century. treatise on agriculture "Nun Shu", you can discover new types of irrigation of fields: using bamboo water pipes and a water wheel with scoop buckets. Agricultural crops such as sorghum (kaoliang) begin to spread.

At the end of the 13th century. A fundamentally new spinning wheel appears - with a foot drive. The silk loom has been improved. Everyday life includes some elements of Mongolian clothing, saddle designs, and bowed instruments borrowed from nomadic peoples. Astronomer Guo Shoujing calculated the calendar year with greater accuracy than before. In the 40s, three new dynastic histories were prepared.

The ideological situation in the period under review differs

In 1206, a new state was formed on the territory of Central Asia from the united Mongol tribes. The gathered leaders of the groups proclaimed their most warlike representative, Temujin (Genghis Khan), khan, thanks to whom the Mongolian state declared itself to the whole world. Operating with a relatively small army, it carried out its expansion in several directions at once. The most powerful blows of bloody terror fell on the lands of China and Central Asia. The Mongol conquests of these territories, according to written sources, were of a total destruction nature, although such data have not been confirmed by archeology.

Mongol Empire

Six months after his accession to the kurultai (congress of the nobility), the Mongol ruler Genghis Khan began planning a large-scale military campaign, ultimate goal which was the conquest of China. Preparing for his first campaigns, he carries out a number of military reforms, strengthening and strengthening the country from the inside. The Mongol Khan understood that to wage successful wars, strong rears, a strong organization and a protected central authority were needed. He establishes a new government structure and proclaims a single set of laws, abolishing old tribal customs. The entire system of government became a powerful tool for maintaining the obedience of the exploited masses and assisting in the conquest of other peoples.

The young Mongol state with an effective administrative hierarchy and a highly organized army was significantly different from the steppe state formations of its time. The Mongols believed in their chosenness, the purpose of which was to unite the whole world under the rule of their ruler. Therefore, the main feature of the policy of conquest was the extermination of rebellious peoples in the occupied territories.

First campaigns: Tangut state

The Mongol conquest of China took place in several stages. The Tangut state of Xi Xia became the first serious target of the Mongol army, since Genghis Khan believed that without its conquest, further attacks on China would be pointless. The invasions of the Tangut lands in 1207 and 1209 were carefully planned operations, with the khan himself present on the battlefield. They did not bring much success; the confrontation ended with the conclusion of a peace agreement obliging the Tanguts to pay tribute to the Mongols. But in 1227, under the next onslaught of Genghis Khan’s troops, the state of Xi Xia fell.

In 1207, Mongol troops under the leadership of Jochi were also sent to the north to conquer the tribes of the Buryats, Tubas, Oirats, Barhuns, Ursuts and others. In 1208 they were joined by the Uyghurs in East Turkestan, and years later the Yenisei Kyrgyz and Karlyks submitted.

Conquest of the Jin Empire (Northern China)

In September 1211, Genghis Khan's 100,000-strong army began the conquest of Northern China. Mongols using weak spots enemy, managed to capture several large cities. And after crossing the Great Wall, they inflicted a crushing defeat on the regular troops of the Jin Empire. The path to the capital was open, but mongol khan Having sensibly assessed the capabilities of his army, he did not immediately launch an assault on it. For several years, the nomads beat the enemy piece by piece, engaging in battle only in open spaces. By 1215, much of the Jin lands were under Mongol rule, and the capital of Zhongda was sacked and burned. Emperor Jin, trying to save the state from ruin, agreed to a humiliating treaty, which briefly delayed his death. In 1234, Mongol troops, together with the Song Chinese, finally defeated the empire.

The initial expansion of the Mongols was carried out with particular cruelty and, as a result, Northern China was left practically in ruins.

Conquest of Central Asia

After the first conquests of China, the Mongols, using intelligence, began to carefully prepare their next military campaign. In the fall of 1219, a 200,000-strong army moved to Central Asia, having successfully captured East Turkestan and Semirechye a year earlier. The pretext for the outbreak of hostilities was a provoked attack on a Mongol caravan in the border town of Otrar. The army of invaders acted according to a clearly constructed plan. One column went to the siege of Otrar, the second moved through the Kyzyl-Kum desert to Khorezm, a small detachment of the best warriors was sent to Khojent, and Genghis Khan himself with the main troops headed for Bukhara.

The state of Khorezm, the largest in Central Asia, had military forces in no way inferior to the Mongols, but its ruler was unable to organize unified resistance to the invaders and fled to Iran. As a result, the scattered army took a more defensive stance, and each city was forced to fight for itself. Often there was betrayal of the feudal elite, colluding with enemies and acting in their own narrow interests. But the common people fought to the last. The selfless battles of some Asian settlements and cities, such as Khojent, Khorezm, Merv, went down in history and became famous for their participating heroes.

The conquest of the Mongols in Central Asia, like China, was rapid and was completed by the spring of 1221. The outcome of the struggle led to dramatic changes in the economic and state-political development of the region.

Consequences of the invasion of Central Asia

The Mongol invasion was a huge disaster for the peoples living in Central Asia. Within three years, the aggressor troops were destroyed and wiped off the face of the earth. a large number of villages and large cities, among which were Samarkand and Urgench. The once rich areas of Semirechye were turned into places of desolation. The entire irrigation system, which had been formed for more than one century, was completely destroyed, oases were trampled and abandoned. Cultural and scientific life Central Asia.

In the conquered lands, the invaders introduced a strict regime of extortions. The population of resisting cities was completely slaughtered or sold into slavery. Only artisans who were sent into captivity could escape the inevitable reprisal. The conquest of the Central Asian states became the bloodiest page in the history of the Mongol conquests.

Capture of Iran

Following China and Central Asia, the Mongol conquests in Iran and Transcaucasia were one of the next steps. In 1221, cavalry detachments under the command of Jebe and Subedei, rounding the Caspian Sea from the south, swept through the northern Iranian regions like a tornado. In pursuit of the fleeing ruler of Khorezm, they subjected the province of Khorasan to severe blows, leaving behind many burned settlements. The city of Nishapur was taken by storm, and its population, driven into the field, was completely exterminated. The inhabitants of Gilan, Qazvin, and Hamadan fought desperately against the Mongols.

In the 30-40s of the 13th century, the Mongols continued to conquer Iranian lands in swoops; only the northwestern regions, where the Ismailis ruled, remained independent. But in 1256 their state fell, and in February 1258 Baghdad was captured.

Hike to Dali

By the middle of the 13th century, in parallel with the battles in the Middle East, the conquests of China did not stop. The Mongols planned to make the Dali state a platform for a further attack on the Song Empire (southern China). They prepared the trek with special care, taking into account the difficult mountainous terrain.

The offensive against Dali began in the fall of 1253 under the leadership of Kublai Khan, the grandson of Genghis Khan. Having previously sent ambassadors, he invited the ruler of the state to surrender without a fight and submit to him. But by order of Chief Minister Gao Taixiang, who actually ran the affairs of the country, the Mongol ambassadors were executed. The main battle took place on the Jinshajiang River, where Dali's army was defeated and lost significantly in its strength. The nomads entered the capital without much resistance.

Southern China: Song Empire

The Mongol wars of conquest in China lasted for seven decades. It was the Southern Song that managed to hold out the longest against the Mongol invasion, entering into various agreements with the nomads. Military clashes between the former allies began to intensify in 1235. The Mongol army, encountering fierce resistance, was unable to achieve much success. After which there was relative calm for some time.

In 1267, numerous Mongol troops again marched to the south of China under the leadership of Kublai Kublai, who set himself the conquest of the Song as a matter of principle. He did not succeed in a lightning-fast capture: the heroic defense of the cities of Sanyang and Fancheng held out for five years. The final battle took place only in 1275 at Dingjiazhou, where the army of the Song Empire lost and was practically defeated. A year later, the capital Lin'an was captured. The last resistance in the Yaishan region was defeated in 1279, which marked the final date of the Mongol conquest of China. fell.

Reasons for the success of the Mongol conquests

Win-win campaigns of the Mongol army for a long time they tried to explain it by numerical superiority. However, this statement, due to documentary evidence, is highly controversial. First of all, when explaining the success of the Mongols, historians take into account the personality of Genghis Khan, the first ruler of the Mongol Empire. It was the qualities of his character, coupled with his talents and abilities, that showed the world an unsurpassed commander.

Another reason for the Mongol victories is the thoroughly worked out military campaigns. A thorough reconnaissance was carried out, intrigues were woven in the enemy’s camp, and weak points were sought out. The capture tactics were honed to perfection. An important role was played by the combat professionalism of the troops themselves, their clear organization and discipline. But the main reason for the Mongols' success in conquering China and Central Asia was an external factor: the fragmentation of states, weakened by internal political turmoil.

• In the 12th century, according to the Chinese chronicle tradition, the Mongols were called “Tatars,” a concept that was identical to the European “barbarians.” You should know that modern Tatars are in no way connected with these people.
• The exact year of birth of the Mongol ruler Genghis Khan is unknown; different dates are mentioned in the chronicles.
• China and Central Asia did not stop the development of trade relations between the peoples that joined the empire.
• In 1219, the Central Asian city of Otrar (southern Kazakhstan) held off a Mongol siege for six months before being captured by treachery.
• The Mongol Empire, as a single state, existed until 1260, then it broke up into independent uluses.