Stolypin was one of the main initiators of the dissolution of the Second Duma and the creators of the June Third regime. But after 1907, the prime minister had to create a new extensive government program to resolve the most important domestic political issues.
The program of Stolypin's cabinet, which he intended to implement through the new Duma, envisaged carrying out agrarian reform on the principles of liberating peasants from the influence of the community, supporting individual peasant land ownership, improving agriculture and reducing agrarian overpopulation in the center of the country. The government also intended to regulate the labor issue and adopt legislation on social insurance for workers. In addition, Stolypin sought to strengthen the position of the central government in the non-Russian outskirts in the spirit of government nationalism. The condition for the implementation of these ideas was the “calmification” of the country - the desire to suppress the mass worker and peasant movement, the fight against the revolutionary and liberal opposition and counteraction to national movements.
Stolypin abandoned the traditional policy of preserving the community and came out in support of individual forms of peasant land ownership, because he saw the main cause of peasant poverty in the primitive irrational system of peasant communal land ownership with its stripes, forced crop rotation, and believed that the community prevents the allocation of the strongest farms.
Stolypin's agrarian reform implied not only the “destruction of the community” - ensuring the right of peasants to leave the community and transition to personal land ownership (decree of November 9, 1906). Its integral part was “land management”, i.e. the elimination of striped land, the creation of farmsteads and cuts, as well as the resettlement of peasants from the densely populated Center to the outskirts, where there was a free land fund (mainly beyond the Urals), and measures to increase the area of peasant land ownership through the purchase of additional land by peasants through the assistance of the Peasant Land Bank.
The reform contributed to the establishment of private peasant land ownership. From the community, the most prosperous farms were distinguished, which were engaged in entrepreneurial production, as well as the poor peasants, who liquidated the farm and sold the land. In those regions where the reform was carried out, only 3 million peasant farms with 22% of the land were separated from the community. But the majority of peasants did not accept the reform and continued to live in the community. The resettlement policy also did not achieve its goals. During 1906-1913. 3.5 million peasants moved beyond the Urals, of which 500 thousand returned, and the pace of resettlement did not keep up with the natural population growth. Although the peasants bought about 4 million dessiatines of land, the reform did not achieve one of the main goals - it did not instill in the peasants a sense of respect for other people's property. They still demanded all the lands of the landowners.
Despite its incompleteness, the Stolypin agrarian reform had an economic effect. Harvests grew, the use of machinery and improved tools increased, as did modern agricultural technology and fertilizers. The marketability of agriculture has increased, i.e. its connection with the market: it was 47% for privately owned farms, and 34% for wealthy peasants. However, these positive changes affected no more than a fifth of peasant farms. The majority of peasants retained the community, primitive agricultural technology and three-field farming and, as a consequence, low yields. Despite the government's resettlement program beyond the Urals, agricultural overpopulation in the center of Russia persisted.
The labor program included two bills regarding workers: on accident insurance for workers and on medical care. According to them, sickness funds for workers were created at enterprises. Treatment of workers was carried out at the expense of entrepreneurs. But due to the resistance of representatives of bourgeois circles, the process of adopting the bills was delayed: they were approved in the Duma only in 1912. In general, it should be noted that with regard to the labor issue, the government turned out to be more far-sighted than Russian commercial and industrial circles.
The national question was one of the most important in the P.A. program. Stolypin. The essence of activities in this area can be reduced to the following provisions: continuation of the policy of centralization, unification and Russification of the national outskirts - primarily Finland and the Western Region; support for the Russian population on the outskirts as opposed to the indigenous majority - the “foreigners”. It was proposed to introduce zemstvo institutions in six provinces of the Western Territory: Belarusian Mogilev, Minsk and Vitebsk; Ukrainian Kyiv, Podolsk and Volyn. In these provinces, national curiae were created - Russian and Polish, and due to the artificial understatement of the percentage of the non-Russian population of the region, Russians elected larger number vowels.
The right-wing members of the State Council opposed Stolypin’s idea, not wanting to extend the “liberal” Zemstvo Regulations to new provinces. In the spring of 1911, the State Council rejected the bill on the Western Zemstvo. The government was forced to implement this law by decree of the emperor under Art. 87 Basic Laws, dissolving the legislative chambers for three days. This sharply worsened the prime minister's relations not only with the State Council, but also with the Duma, which condemned the government's actions. The legislative crisis on the issue of Western Zemstvo became one of the stages on the path to the collapse of the June Third system.
The second of Stolypin’s national programs was the “Kholm Question.” The Kholm region or Kholm region was the name given to the part of the territory of the Kingdom of Poland adjacent to the city of Kholm. The population of this area was ethnically mixed (Russians, Ukrainians, Poles, Lithuanians), but religiously the majority professed the Uniate-Orthodox faith. After the Polish uprising of 1863, the Russian Orthodox Church pursued a policy of uniting the Uniates with Orthodoxy, which was done in 1875. However, after the announcement of freedom of religion in 1905, many former “Orthodox” became Catholics.
The bill on the Kholm region, introduced to the Duma in 1909, envisaged the separation of the Kholm region from the Kingdom of Poland and its subordination to the Kiev General Government. Thus, the next division of Poland was proclaimed. Despite the protests of the Poles, who were supported by opposition factions, in 1912 the right-wing Octobrist majority accepted this law.
The third step in the national sphere was the Finnish question. The Russian government believed that all laws affecting general imperial issues or issues under the joint jurisdiction of the region and Russia should be adopted by all-empire bodies - the State Duma and the State Council of Russia, and not by the Finnish Diet. In fact, this meant the elimination of Finnish autonomy. The government project, supported by the right and Octobrists, was adopted in 1910. Thus, a significant part of Stolypin’s program was completed, and he was assisted by the right factions of the State Duma and the Octobrists.
However, the implementation of the government's policy did not strengthen its influence in society. The labor movement did not stop, and unrest in the village continued. Revolutionaries, liberal oppositionists and representatives of national parties continued to fight the authorities. The extreme right also spoke out against Stolypin. After the story with the Western Zemstvo, the Octobrists also began to come into opposition to the authorities, believing that the activities of the cabinet were destroying the constitutional order. The relationship between the prime minister and Nicholas II also deteriorated; the emperor was not satisfied with the independence of the head of government. However, the resignation did not take place, since on September 1, 1911, in Kyiv, Stolypin was killed by the Socialist Revolutionary militant and police provocateur D. G. Bogrov.
In Russia, the situation at the beginning of the 20th century was difficult - a revolution was brewing. The role of personality in history always has great importance, but in times of crisis, turning points, it sometimes becomes almost decisive.
According to his political views, Stolypin was a convinced monarchist, he believed that autocracy best shape rule for Russia, but was ready to make some concessions to democracy for the sake of preserving autocracy. At the same time, his policies were subjected to fierce criticism, both from the right and from the left. Stolypin was extremely negatively opposed to the revolution. Stolypin took radical measures to “calm down”. Stolypin was in favor of the immediate refusal of new large loans, with the gradual return of old ones and the receipt of insignificant new ones. Concerning railways, then he in no way belittled their role in the development of the country.
Thus He considered the main goal: to modernize the country, achieve successful development of the Russian economy, without affecting the fundamental foundations political system, without changing anything in public administration.
Stolypin emphasized reform of the agricultural sector, the creation of a “farmer class” and reform government controlled. Pyotr Arkadyevich believed that changes should be carried out consistently, step by step... Stolypin was engaged in strengthening the financial side, for him it was the last project in his life. In an attempt to resolve the national question, Stolypin showed himself most clearly. The fact remains: none of the political figures - predecessors raised Jewish question or any other related to the infringement of the rights of certain peoples on the territory of Russia, in contrast to Stolypin. This is explained by the following circumstances: firstly, although their reform activities were separated by several years, during these years a lot has changed in Russia. Unresolved key problems accumulated and led to revolution. That is why, when discontent reached its peak, they listened to Stolypin as the only person capable of finding a solution to the problem.
Such a great personality of that time as Pyotr Arkadyevich Stolypin is often called the “last chance” of the tsarist regime. “The entire appearance of Pyotr Arkadyevich could not have been more consistent with the rare qualities and sides of his soul,” “Often even his enemies admired the fascinating truthfulness of his words, the nobility of his image, the irresistible power of his oratorical talent,” “... avoided all sorts of exhibitions and panache...”, “Everything he did seemed to him only a modest fulfillment of his life’s duty.” This is what one of the researchers of Russian history, N.P., wrote about Stolypin. Shublinskaya. Contemporaries and researchers characterize him as an honest, straightforward person, untainted by any scandals or gossip, brave, decent to the point of scrupulousness, but quite difficult to communicate due to excessive directness, reaching the point of intolerance.
He was not a professional careerist politician. He accepted power as a heavy cross. He carried it steadfastly. Worked at night. He said, looking at his watch, with annoyance: “Go away, damn you!” The heart failed: the cross of St. Vladimir, which was hit by an assassin’s bullet, saved me from instant death, and for 4 days the doctors had hope. But my heart couldn't stand it.
Stolypin was a reformer - because he tried to break the old structures. Russian - thought only about Russia, thought in imperial categories, on the threshold of death he whispered: “Happy to die for the Tsar.”
There are many enlightened people, they were and are, but Stolypin showed what a highly educated person and patriot can do state place, if he possesses the most important property of a real statesman - selflessness, the ability and desire to put the people's interests above personal calculations. Many of his contemporaries recognized that the desire for personal gain was completely alien to his honest and incorruptible nature. “The homeland demands service so sacrificially pure that the slightest thought of personal gain darkens the soul and paralyzes the work,” this phrase by P.A. Stolypin. Stolypin's main merit was not in agrarian reform, but in energetic actions to suppress revolutionaries, strengthening the state apparatus, and bringing public works to the forefront national interests. In a short time he managed to establish effective system fighting terrorist gangs.
The core of Pyotr Arkadyevich’s government measures was a firm, national policy aimed at giving fair advantages to the indigenous Russian population as the owners of the Russian land. At the same time, Stolypin promotes the consolidation of all active state forces in Russia, meaning the creation of a powerful national Russian party capable of withstanding the onslaught of all opponents of the Russian order. A very important law, adopted on his initiative, limited the possibility of German colonization of the western provinces. He made it possible to stop the purchase of landowners' lands by German colonists.
Possessing tenacity, determination, and patriotism, he defended the only correct way, in his opinion, to preserve the monarchy. Stolypin's desire to rely on the Russian patriotic movement becomes the main element of his policy.
Lev Tikhomirov said well at P.A.’s funeral. Stolypin that he had the difficult task of leading the ship of state in the shattered state of the country and state. And he led him. Yesterday, still unknown to anyone, he showed incomparable art. “He was not recognized and denied for a long time. But this was a Russian figure who showed abilities that no one else had shown. He united a set of brilliant qualities necessary at a time when one has to replace ten, a ruler of such selflessness, such intensity of heartfelt love for Russia.”
It wasn't about the danger of death. The very difficulty of the matter was terrible, taking away any hope of success. “In this regard,” said L. Tikhomirov, “Pyotr Arkadyevich had internal supports“is faith in God and Russia.” Here was, I think, the secret of his confidence, which gave him a chance of success in itself.
“He did as his mind told him, he acted in his own way, as he should. Otherwise, he would not have deserved the title of a statesman,” Lev Tikhomirov argues further. This is the ideal of a statesman. Intelligence, courage, culture, patriotism, faith, devotion to the Tsar and the people, inexhaustible energy, perseverance, nobility, honesty, strong sovereign will - all these qualities were in Stolypin - an outstanding Russian person who put the interests of Russia above all his interests.
“Tall, personable, superbly mannered, comprehensively educated; he spoke loudly and convincingly. Great nobility emanated from his words and actions, which endeared him even to his political opponents. In the necessary cases, he acted decisively... Strict with himself and lenient with mistakes subordinates. He was not ambitious, and everything ignoble and unclean was disgusting to his high soul" (Prince A.V. Obolensky, "My Memoirs and Reflections").
“As a person, P.A. Stolypin was distinguished by straightforwardness, sincerity and selfless devotion to the Emperor and Russia. He was alien to pride and arrogance thanks to the exceptionally rare qualities of his balanced nature. He always treated other people’s opinions with respect and understanding. The enemy of all ambiguities, suspicions and hypotheses, he shunned intrigue and intrigue. In his political views, P. A. Stolypin did not depend on any party pressures and claims. Firmness, persistence, resourcefulness and high patriotism were inherent in his honest, open nature. Stolypin especially did not tolerate lies and theft , bribery and self-interest and pursued them mercilessly; in this regard, he was an ardent supporter of senatorial audits." (P.A. Stolypin. Obituary published in the newspaper “New Time” on September 6, 1911)
“Behind his words there is never emptiness” (A.F. Kerensky)
In the new system, states were looking for a mechanism that would begin renewal, progressive work, consisting of mutual efforts on the part of the government and people's representatives. This was the main current, next to which moved another, dreaming of becoming a government itself and leading the life of the country.
The spokesman for the first of these groups was P.A. Stolypin, who made her intentions the basis of his political program. Stolypin was a staunch supporter of popular representation in Russia. He wanted his approval and did a lot in this sense. His ideal form of government was a representative monarchy. He recalled that in Russia the dominant force is not the anarchic revolutionary flow, but the centuries-old historical foundations of the country.
With the death of Stolypin, the Russian Empire died. There was no more living force in it, and everything quickly took the path of collapse and revolution. Stolypin's activities were the last outstanding attempt to save the state from an impending disaster, an energetic and powerful push for modernization by the empire. He sought to adapt archaic, political structures powers to a rapidly growing economy and a dynamic society, free the peasantry from the remnants of serfdom and involve it in creative activities, strengthen the popular foundations of the monarchy and transform Russia into a rule of law state. The course he chose was the only correct one, but apparently the reforms came too late. Stolypin failed to overcome the split between the state and the intelligentsia, which turned into an abyss after 1905, although there was also movement towards him from the intelligentsia. Having lost his possible allies, Stolypin gradually found himself in political isolation and, when he lost the support of the tsar, he died. Immediately after his death, modernization was curtailed, which made a new revolution inevitable.
The assessment of the activities of Pyotr Arkadyevich Stolypin, given by both his contemporaries and historians, was never unambiguous: according to some, Stolypin was a talented statesman who not only proposed a program of reforms unique for his time, but also sought to carry them out by the most “soft means”, according to others, Stolypin is “a strangler and a hangman,” “a conductor of a policy that has gone down in history under the name of the Stolypin reaction.”
Contemporaries, descendants and historians about P.A. Stolypin:
S.Yu. Witte, who meticulously followed the political career of his successor, noted that Pyotr Arkadyevich “was a man with great temperament, a brave man,” but accused him of lack of state culture, imbalance, excessive influence on his political activity wife Olga Borisovna, using her official position to protect relatives. “Stolypin in the last two or three years of his reign introduced positive terror in Russia, but most importantly, he introduced police arbitrariness and police discretion into all aspects of state life.” In his memoirs, Witte noted the evolution of Stolypin from a liberal prime minister to “a reactionary who would not disdain any means in order to maintain power, and arbitrarily, in violation of all laws, ruled Russia.” “... Stolypin,” he wrote, “had an extremely superficial mind and an almost complete absence of state culture and education. In terms of education and intelligence... Stolypin was a type of bayonet cadet.”
P.N. Miliukov, one of the leaders of the Cadet Party, whom Stolypin, despite seemingly insurmountable differences with them, called “the brain of the nation”: “Stolypin acted in a double guise - a liberal and an extreme nationalist.” Miliukov was very skeptical about the effectiveness of Stolypin’s reform activities, but paid tribute to his originality. “P.A. Stolypin,” wrote Miliukov, “belonged to the number of people who imagined themselves to be the saviors of Russia from its “great upheavals.” He brought his great temperament and his stubborn will to this task. He believed in himself and in his appointment. He was, of course, larger than many dignitaries who sat in his place before and after Witte."
One of the first Russian Marxists, Petr Berngardovich Struve, gave the following characteristic activities of Stolypin: “No matter how you feel about Stolypin’s agrarian policy - you can accept it as the greatest evil, you can bless it as a beneficial surgical operation - with this policy he made a huge shift in Russian life. And the shift is truly revolutionary both in essence and formally. For there can be no doubt that with the agrarian reform, which abolished the commune, only the liberation of the peasants and the construction of railways can be ranked on a par in importance in the economic development of Russia.”
At the same time, another humanist of the 20th century - V.V. Rozanov- gave a very high assessment of Stolypin, on whom, according to the philosopher, “there was not a single dirty spot: a terribly rare and difficult thing for a politician,” he “could be killed, but no one could say: he was deceitful, crooked or self-interested Human".
IN AND. Lenin, assessing Stolypin as a political figure, wrote that he knew how to cover up his activities with “gloss and phrases, postures and gestures faked as “European”,” he tried to pour new wine into old wineskins, remake the old autocracy into a bourgeois monarchy, and the collapse of Stolypin’s politics is the collapse of tsarism on this useful, last conceivable path for tsarism." Lenin saw in his reforms “the last conceivable path for tsarism,” “the last policy possible for tsarism.”
A.F. Kerensky: “Stolypin’s political insight was inferior to the strength of his character” A.S. Izgoev, member of the Central Committee of the Cadet Party: “At P.A. Stolypin had a strong mind, but it was some kind of second-class mind, truly devoid of both depth and idealistic nobility, a mind mixed with petty cunning and slyness.”
The death of Stolypin caused a lot of responses in the Russian and foreign press. The foreign left-wing press perceived this fact with satisfaction. So, in The newspaper of the Independent Labor Party of England noted:"Stolypin turned the Duma into a farce and a fraudulent trick. He, it was he, who threw thousands of people into infected prisons and sent thousands to the gallows." “He cannot return - and, of course, many thousands of Russians will reverently thank the Lord for this.” Press organ of the French Socialist Party declared: “Stolypin’s death is well-deserved. Before this grave, humanity can only breathe a sigh of relief.”
V.V. Kazarezov: “No one dared to reproach him for dishonor, personal self-interest, cowardice, and unprincipledness. Education and intelligence, the ability to think broadly and act, were combined in him with such fundamental, deep-seated qualities as love for his homeland and a willingness to sacrifice everything for its well-being... He was fearless when a real threat to his life was created, and no less courageous and decisive when defended his position before the king, State Council, the State Duma, in front of the political opposition on the left and right.”
Rodzianko M.M.:“P.A. Stolypin was the embodiment of consciousness of his duty to his homeland and never shied away from responsibility for his actions. What was valued in Stolypin? I think, not a program, but a person... The affairs of his reign were never party, group, class or estate; of course, if you don’t take Russians as an “estate”, but Russia itself as a party... Stolypin showed only possible way parliamentarism in Russia. He pointed out that if parliamentarism is an expression of the people's spirit and the people's image, then there will be no strong protest against it, and it will even become dear to many and finally to everyone.
Stolypin saw his task in constructive work with the warring parties, in the implementation and strengthening of the liberal principles laid down in the Manifesto of October 17 and codified in the Basic Laws. In doing so, he proceeded from the principle he later formulated: existing problems cannot be resolved, they must be resolved. In Russian history at the beginning of the twentieth century, there is no figure who caused great disagreement in assessments. The Populists and Socialist Revolutionaries were condemned for the “collapse of the community” as the original cell of socialism. The monarchists reproached, thinking that the community was a stronghold of autocracy. In bureaucratic circles there was a widespread opinion that Stolypin did not generate ideas at all, but used “blanks” - Kryzhanovsky, Krivoshein, Gurko, Witte. To those closest to the king, he seemed like a dictator, not inclined to take into account court politesse and even the opinion of the emperor himself.
Among his contemporaries, the most objective assessment was given by his colleague at the Ministry of Internal Affairs S.E. Kryzhanovsky. Agreeing that Stolypin was not the initiator of many legislative acts that he put into practice, and found most of the others ready-made or caught in public opinion, Kryzhanovsky emphasized that “the brilliance of his talent, the charm of his personality, the ability to idealize his activities, raise ideas to pedestal... (he) breathed life into the program for the organization of Russia bequeathed by the past, managed to master it and merge it with his personality.
Stolypin P.A.:“Our fatherland, transformed by the will of the Monarch, must turn into a legal state, since until the written law defines the responsibilities and protects the rights of individual Russian subjects, these rights and responsibilities will depend on the interpretation and will of individuals.”
“They need great upheavals, we need a great Russia” - were not an empty phrase, but expressed the quintessence of a fairly coherent and thoughtful concept. Its main provisions were:
- · Creation of civil society and strengthening of its basis - private property,
- · Separation of powers between the executive and legislative,
- · Delimitation of the competence of the central government and local self-government,
- · The issue of the rights of the ethnic majority and national minorities.
Power cannot be considered a goal. Power is a means to preserve life, peace and order... We must not forget that the inaction of power leads to anarchy, that the government is not an apparatus of powerlessness and search. Government is an apparatus of power based on laws..."
Stolypin considered any political activity of an official, be it Black Hundred or left-wing radical, incompatible with public service, which did not mean that he had no political views.
... A strong government must have proven executors on the ground, who are its hands, its ears, its eyes. And no government will ever accomplish a single work, not only repressive, but also creative, if it does not have in its hands a perfect apparatus of executive power. In other words, civil servants must be not only executors of the will, but also allies of the government, whose goal is to move towards a state where “written freedom” will turn into real freedom, which is composed of civil liberties and a sense of statehood and patriotism.
In a speech on March 6, 1907, Stolypin especially clearly emerged as a statesman of a new type:
“With the multitude of novelties being introduced into the life of the people, it is necessary to connect all the individual government assumptions with one common thought, to clarify this idea, putting it at the basis of all construction and to defend it, as it manifests itself in this or that bill.”
A feature of Stolypin’s activities was the combination of design and management functions with control and executive ones. An example is the Prime Minister's trip to the Volga region, Siberia and Altai. This working trip set a precedent for a new style of government. Stolypin had the opportunity to compare the official reports of the governors with his personal observations and, on this basis, draw conclusions and make qualified decisions. Stolypin accustomed the Russian public to the Duma, parliamentary style of government.
Maklakov: “Those who lived through this time saw how the constitution began to educate both the government and society itself. One can only marvel at the success if we remember that the constitution lasted normally for only eight years (the war cannot be called a normal time). During this 8-year period, Russia began to rise economically, and society began to form politically. A new generation of bureaucrats appeared who understood the benefits of cooperation with the State Duma, and our politicians learned to do a common cause with the government... The joint participation of government and society in governing the state turned out to be an indispensable school for both, and for Russia the beginning of its revival.”
Stolypin can be judged as a figure of a new type for several reasons:
- 1. A systematic approach was evident in all government actions, in which there was a sense of realism (pragmatism); to implement reforms, careful preparation of both material conditions and the psychological state of society was required.
- 2. Stolypin began to build a new building of Russian statehood not “from the roof”, not from the proclamation of liberal freedoms, but from below, from the arrangement of the most numerous and disadvantaged class of Russia - the peasantry, believing that this is the only way to lay the foundations of civil society in Russia.
- 3. Stolypin was neither a monarchist nor a liberal. He was a statist who put the interests of Russia above the royal favor and “public opinion.” However, he had to act in “given circumstances”: the lack of will of the monarch or the willfulness of the court camarilla pressed over him.
- 4. Stolypin acted as chairman of the Council of Ministers, subordinating the work of all ministries to a single plan, overcoming the resistance of very influential persons. He believed that the government must either act boldly and brightly if it expects to succeed, or resign, opening this opportunity for others.
Stolypin saw three ways for the development of Russia:
- 1. The path to restoration of autocracy
- 2. The path of revolutionary extremism
- 3. The path of liberal reforms
It was the last of them that Stolypin chose and defended to the end, perhaps not always by “righteous” means, as his opponents more than once accused him of. But the search he undertook is important to us. new political decisions, a new style political thinking, and, finally, he himself as new type statesman.
The more a person is able to respond to the historical and universal, the broader his nature, the richer his life and the more capable such a person is of progress and development.
F. M. Dostoevsky
Stolypin's agrarian reform, which began in 1906, was determined by the realities that took place in the Russian Empire. The country was faced with massive popular unrest, during which it became absolutely obvious that the people did not want to live as before. Moreover, the state itself could not govern the country based on previous principles. The economic component of the empire's development was in decline. This was especially true in the agricultural complex, where there was a clear decline. As a result, political events, as well as economic events, prompted Pyotr Arkadyevich Stolypin to begin implementing reforms.
Background and reasons
One of the main reasons that prompted the Russian Empire to begin a massive change in government was based on the fact that a large number of ordinary people expressed their dissatisfaction with the authorities. If until this time the expression of discontent was limited to one-time peaceful actions, then by 1906 these actions became much larger in scale, as well as bloody. As a result, it became obvious that Russia is struggling not only with obvious economic problems, but also with an obvious revolutionary upsurge.
It is obvious that any Victory of the state over the revolution is based not on physical strength, but on spiritual strength. A strong-willed state itself must take the lead in reforms.
Pyotr Arkadyevich Stolypin
One of the significant events that prompted the Russian government to begin early reforms happened on August 12, 1906. On this day, a terrorist attack occurred on Aptekarsky Island in St. Petersburg. In this place of the capital lived Stolypin, who by this time served as chairman of the government. As a result of the explosion, 27 people were killed and 32 people were injured. Among the wounded were Stolypin's daughter and son. The Prime Minister himself miraculously escaped injury. As a result, the country adopted a law on military courts, where all cases related to terrorist attacks were considered in an expedited manner, within 48 hours.
The explosion once again indicated to Stolypin that the people wanted fundamental changes within the country. These changes had to be given to people as soon as possible. That is why Stolypin’s agrarian reform was accelerated, a project that began to advance with giant steps.
The essence of the reform
- The first block called on the country's citizens to calm down, and also informed about the state of emergency in many parts of the country. Due to terrorist attacks in a number of regions of Russia, they were forced to introduce a state of emergency and courts-martial.
- The second block announced the convening of the State Duma, during which it was planned to create and implement a set of agrarian reforms within the country.
Stolypin clearly understood that the implementation of agrarian reforms alone would not calm the population and would not allow the Russian Empire to make a qualitative leap in its development. Therefore, along with changes in agriculture, the Chairman of the Government spoke about the need to adopt laws on religion, equality among citizens, reforming the local government system, the rights and life of workers, the need to introduce compulsory primary education, introduce an income tax, increase teachers' salaries, and so on. In a word, everything that Soviet power was subsequently realized was one of the stages of the Stolypin reform.
Of course, it is extremely difficult to start changes of this scale in the country. That is why Stolypin decided to start with agrarian reform. This was due to a number of factors:
- Main driving force evolution is a peasant. This has always been the case in all countries, and this was also the case in those days in the Russian Empire. Therefore, in order to relieve the revolutionary tension, it was necessary to appeal to the bulk of the dissatisfied, offering them qualitative changes in the country.
- The peasants actively expressed their position that the landowners' lands needed to be redistributed. Often landowners kept for themselves best lands, allocating non-fertile plots to peasants.
First stage of reform
Stolypin's agrarian reform began with an attempt to destroy the community. Until this point, peasants in villages lived in communities. These were special territorial entities where people lived as a single community, performing common collective tasks. If we try to give a simpler definition, then communities are very similar to collective farms, which were later implemented by the Soviet government. The problem with the communities was that the peasants lived in a close-knit group. They worked for a common goal for the landowners. Peasants, as a rule, did not have their own large plots, and they were not particularly worried about the final result of their work.
November 9, 1906 Government Russian Empire issued a decree that allowed peasants to freely leave the community. Leaving the community was free. At the same time, the peasant retained all his property, as well as the lands that were allocated to him. Moreover, if land was allocated in different areas, then the peasant could demand that the lands be combined into a single allotment. Upon leaving the community, the peasant received land in the form of a farm or a farm.
Stolypin's agrarian reform map.
Cut This is a piece of land that was allocated to a peasant leaving the community, with this peasant retaining his yard in the village.
Khutor This is a plot of land that was allocated to a peasant leaving the community, with the relocation of this peasant from the village to his own plot.
On the one hand, this approach made it possible to implement reforms within the country aimed at changing the peasant economy. However, on the other hand, the landowner's economy remained untouched.
The essence of Stolypin’s agrarian reform, as conceived by the creator himself, boiled down to the following advantages that the country received:
- Peasants living in communities were massively influenced by revolutionaries. Peasants who live on separate farms are much less accessible to revolutionaries.
- A person who has received land at his disposal and who depends on this land is directly interested in the final result. As a result, a person will think not about revolution, but about how to increase his harvest and his profit.
- To divert attention from the desire of ordinary people to divide the landowners' land. Stolypin advocated the inviolability of private property, therefore, with the help of his reforms, he tried not only to preserve the landowners' lands, but also to provide the peasants with what they really needed.
To some extent, Stolypin's agrarian reform was similar to the creation of advanced farms. Small and medium-sized landowners were supposed to appear in the country in large numbers, who would not depend directly on the state, but would independently strive to develop their sector. This approach was expressed in the words of Stolypin himself, who often confirmed that the country, in its development, places emphasis on “strong” and “strong” landowners.
On initial stage development of the reform, few enjoyed the right to leave the community. In fact, only wealthy peasants and the poor left the community. Wealthy peasants came out because they had everything for independent work, and they could now work not for the community, but for themselves. The poor came out in order to receive compensation money, thereby improving their financial situation. The poor, as a rule, having lived for some time away from the community and having lost their money, returned back to the community. That is why at the initial stage of development very few people left the community for advanced agricultural farms.
Official statistics show that only 10% of all newly formed agricultural enterprises could claim the title of successful farming. Only these 10% of farms used modern technology, fertilizer, modern methods of working on the land and so on. Ultimately, only these 10% of farms operated profitably from an economic point of view. All other farms that were formed during Stolypin’s agrarian reform turned out to be unprofitable. This is due to the fact that the overwhelming majority of people leaving the community were poor people who were not interested in the development of the agricultural complex. These figures characterize the first months of the work of Stolypin’s plans.
Resettlement policy as an important stage of reform
One of the significant problems of the Russian Empire at that time was the so-called land famine. This concept means that the eastern part of Russia has been extremely little developed. As a result, the vast majority of land in these regions was undeveloped. Therefore, Stolypin’s agrarian reform set one of its tasks to resettle peasants from the western provinces to the eastern. In particular, it was said that peasants should move beyond the Urals. First of all, these changes were supposed to affect those peasants who did not own their own land.
The so-called landless people had to move beyond the Urals, where they were supposed to establish their own farm. This process was absolutely voluntary and the government did not force any of the peasants to move to the eastern regions by force. Moreover, the resettlement policy was based on providing peasants who decided to move beyond the Urals with maximum benefits and good conditions for accommodation. As a result, a person who agreed to such relocation received the following benefits from the government:
- The peasant's farm was exempt from any taxes for 5 years.
- The peasant received the land as his own property. Land was provided at the rate of 15 hectares per farm, as well as 45 hectares for each family member.
- Each settler received a cash loan on a preferential basis. The amount of this loan depended on the region of resettlement, and in some regions reached up to 400 rubles. This is a lot of money for the Russian Empire. In any region, 200 rubles were given free of charge, and the rest in the form of a loan.
- All men who formed a farming enterprise were exempt from military service.
The significant advantages that the state guaranteed to the peasants led to the fact that in the first years of the implementation of the agrarian reform, a large number of people moved from the western provinces to the eastern ones. However, despite such interest of the population in this program, the number of immigrants decreased every year. Moreover, every year the percentage of people who returned back to the southern and western provinces increased. The most striking example is the indicators of people moving to Siberia. Between 1906 and 1914, more than 3 million people moved to Siberia. However, the problem was that the government was not ready for such a massive relocation and did not have time to prepare normal living conditions for people in a particular region. As a result, people arrived at their new place of residence without any amenities or devices for comfortable stay. As a result, about 17% of people returned to their previous place of residence from Siberia alone.
Despite this, Stolypin’s agrarian reform in terms of resettlement of people produced positive results. Here, positive results should be considered not from the point of view of the number of people who moved and returned. The main indicator of the effectiveness of this reform is the development of new lands. If we talk about Siberia, the resettlement of people led to the development of 30 million acres of land in this region, which was previously empty. An even more important advantage was that the new farms were completely separated from the communities. A man came independently with his family and raised his own farm. He had no public interests, no neighboring interests. He knew that there was a specific plot of land that belonged to him, and which should feed him. That is why the efficiency indicators of agrarian reform in the eastern regions of Russia are slightly higher than in the western regions. And this is despite the fact that the western regions and western provinces are traditionally better funded and traditionally more fertile with cultivated land. It was in the east that it was possible to achieve the creation of strong farms.
Main results of the reform
Stolypin's agrarian reform was of great importance for the Russian Empire. This is the first time the country has begun to implement changes of this scale within the country. Positive changes were obvious, but in order for the historical process to give positive dynamics, it needs time. It is no coincidence that Stolypin himself said:
Give the country 20 years of internal and external peace and you will not recognize Russia.
Stolypin Pyotr Arkadevich
This was indeed the case, but, unfortunately, Russia did not have 20 years of silence.
If we talk about the results of the agrarian reform, then its main results, which were achieved by the state over 7 years, can be reduced to the following provisions:
- The area under cultivation throughout the country was increased by 10%.
- In some regions, where peasants left the community en masse, the sown area was increased to 150%.
- Grain exports were increased, accounting for 25% of all world grain exports. In good years, this figure increased to 35 - 40%.
- The purchase of agricultural equipment over the years of reforms has increased by 3.5 times.
- The volume of fertilizers used has increased 2.5 times.
- The growth of industry in the country took colossal steps of +8.8% per year, the Russian Empire in this regard came out on top in the world.
These are far from complete indicators of the reform in the Russian Empire in terms of agriculture, but even these figures show that the reform had a clear positive trend and a clear positive result for the country. At the same time, it was not possible to achieve the full implementation of the tasks that Stolypin set for the country. The country has not been able to fully implement farms. This was due to the fact that the peasants had very strong traditions of collective farming. And the peasants found a way out for themselves in creating cooperatives. In addition, artels were created everywhere. The first artel was created in 1907.
Artel This is the unification of a group of persons who characterize one profession, for the joint work of these persons with the achievement of common results, with the achievement of common incomes and with common responsibility for the final result.
As a result, we can say that Stolypin’s agrarian reform was one of the stages of the massive reform of Russia. This reform was supposed to radically change the country, transforming it into one of the leading world powers not only in a military sense, but also in an economic sense. The main goal of these reforms was to destroy peasant communities by creating powerful farms. The government wanted to see strong land owners, which would include not only landowners, but also private farms.
Silver coin of the Central Bank of the Russian Federation for the 150th anniversary of the birth of P.A. Stolypin
“They need great upheavals, we need Great Russia” (P.A. Stolypin).
Pyotr Arkadyevich Stolypin - outstanding statesman of the Russian Empire.
He held the posts of district marshal of the nobility in Kovno, governor of the Grodno and Saratov provinces, minister of internal affairs, and prime minister.
As Prime Minister, he passed a number of bills that went down in history as Stolypin's agrarian reform. The main content of the reform was the introduction of private peasant land ownership.
On Stolypin's initiative, they introduced courts-martial, toughening punishment for committing serious crimes.
With him was introduced Law on zemstvo in Western provinces, which limited the Poles, on his initiative the autonomy of the Grand Duchy of Finland was also limited, the electoral legislation was changed and the Second Duma was dissolved, putting an end to the revolution of 1905-1907.
Pyotr Arkadyevich Stolypin
Biography of P.A. Stolypin
Childhood and youth
Pyotr Arkadyevich Stolypin was born on April 2, 1862 in Dresden, where his mother was visiting, and he was baptized there. Orthodox Church. He spent his childhood first in the Serednikovo estate in the Moscow province, and then in the Kolnoberge estate in the Kovno province. Stolypin was M.Yu.’s second cousin. Lermontov.
Family coat of arms of the Stolypins
Stolypin studied at Vilna, and then together with his brother at the Oryol gymnasium, after which he entered the natural sciences department of the Faculty of Physics and Mathematics of St. Petersburg Imperial University. During Stolypin's studies, one of the university teachers was the famous Russian scientist D.I. Mendeleev.
After graduating from university, the young official made a brilliant career in the service in the Department of Agriculture, but soon moved to serve in the Ministry of Internal Affairs. In 1889, he was appointed Kovno district marshal of the nobility and chairman of the Kovno Court of Peace Mediators.
To Kovno
Nowadays it is the city of Kaunas. Stolypin spent about 13 years in service in Kovno - from 1889 to 1902. This time was the calmest in his life. Here he was engaged in the Agricultural Society, under whose tutelage was the entire local economic life: educating peasants and increasing the productivity of their farms, introducing advanced farming methods and new varieties of grain crops. He became closely acquainted with local needs and gained administrative experience.
For his diligence in the service, he was awarded new ranks and awards: he was appointed an honorary justice of the peace, a titular councilor, and then promoted to collegiate assessor, awarded the first Order of St. Anna, in 1895 he was promoted to court councilor, in 1896 he received the court title of chamberlain, promoted to collegiate, and in 1901 to state councilor.
While living in Kovno, Stolypin had four daughters - Natalya, Elena, Olga and Alexandra.
In mid-May 1902, when Stolypin and his family were on vacation in Germany, he was urgently summoned to St. Petersburg. The reason was his appointment as governor of Grodno.
To Grodno
P.A. Stolypin - Governor of Grodno
In June 1902, Stolypin took up his duties as governor of Grodno. It was a small city, the national composition of which (like the provinces) was heterogeneous (in large cities Jews predominated; the aristocracy was represented mainly by Poles, and the peasantry by Belarusians). On Stolypin’s initiative, a Jewish two-year public school, a vocational school, and a special type of women’s parish school were opened in Grodno, where, in addition to general subjects, drawing, sketching and handicrafts were taught.
On the second day of work, he closed the Polish Club, where “rebellious sentiments” dominated.
Having settled into the position of governor, Stolypin began to carry out reforms, which included:
- resettlement of peasants on farms (a separate peasant estate with a separate farm)
- elimination of interstriping (the arrangement of land plots of one farm in strips interspersed with the plots of others. Interstriping arose in Russia with regular redistribution of communal land)
- introduction of artificial fertilizers, improved agricultural implements, multi-field crop rotations, land reclamation
- development of cooperation (joint participation in labor processes)
- agricultural education of peasants.
These innovations drew criticism from large landowners. But Stolypin insisted on the need for knowledge for the people.
In Saratov
But soon the Minister of Internal Affairs Plehve offered him the governor's post in Saratov. Despite Stolypin's reluctance to move to Saratov, Plehve insisted. At that time, the Saratov province was considered prosperous and wealthy. Saratov was home to 150 thousand inhabitants, the city had 150 plants and factories, 11 banks, 16 thousand houses, almost 3 thousand shops and shops. The Saratov province included the large cities of Tsaritsyn (now Volgograd) and Kamyshin.
After defeat in the war with Japan, the Russian Empire was swept by a wave of revolution. Stolypin showed rare courage and fearlessness - he, unarmed and without any security, entered the center of the raging crowds. This had such an effect on the people that passions subsided on their own. Nicholas II twice expressed personal gratitude to him for his zeal, and in April 1906 he summoned Stolypin to Tsarskoe Selo and said that he had closely followed his actions in Saratov and, considering them exceptionally outstanding, was appointing him Minister of Internal Affairs. Stolypin tried to refuse the appointment (by that time he had already survived four assassination attempts), but the emperor insisted.
Minister of Internal Affairs
He remained in this post until the end of his life (when appointed prime minister, he combined two posts).
The Minister of Internal Affairs was in charge of:
- management of postal and telegraph affairs
- state police
- prisons, exile
- provincial and district administrations
- interaction with zemstvos
- food business (providing the population with food during crop failure)
- fire Department
- insurance
- medicine
- veterinary medicine
- local courts, etc.
The beginning of his work in his new post coincided with the beginning of the work of the First State Duma, which was mainly represented by the left, which from the very beginning of its work took a course towards confrontation with the authorities. There was a strong confrontation between the executive and legislative branches. After the dissolution of the First State Duma, Stolypin became the new Prime Minister (read more about the history of the State Duma on our website:). He also replaced I. L. Goremykin as chairman of the Council of Ministers. As Prime Minister, Stolypin acted very energetically. He was also a brilliant speaker who knew how to convince and change his mind.
Stolypin's relations with the Second State Duma were tense. The Duma included more than a hundred representatives of parties that directly advocated the overthrow of the existing system - the RSDLP (later divided into Bolsheviks and Mensheviks) and the Socialist Revolutionaries, who repeatedly carried out assassinations and assassinations of senior officials of the Russian Empire. Polish deputies advocated separating Poland from the Russian Empire into a separate state. The two most numerous factions, the Cadets and the Trudoviks, advocated the forced alienation of land from landowners with subsequent transfer to the peasants. Stolypin was the head of the police, so in 1907 he published in the Duma the “Government Report on a Conspiracy” discovered in the capital and aimed at committing terrorist acts against the Emperor, Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich and against himself. The government presented an ultimatum to the Duma, demanding that parliamentary immunity be lifted from the alleged participants in the conspiracy, giving the Duma the shortest possible time for an answer. The Duma did not immediately agree to the government’s conditions and moved on to the procedure of discussing demands, and then the tsar, without waiting for a final answer, dissolved the Duma on June 3. The act of June 3 formally violated the “October 17 Manifesto”, and therefore was called the “June 3rd coup.”
The new electoral system, which was used in elections to the State Dumas of the III and IV convocations, increased the representation in the Duma of landowners and wealthy citizens, as well as the Russian population in relation to national minorities, which led to the formation of a pro-government majority in the III and IV Dumas. The “Octobrists” located in the center ensured that Stolypin passed bills by entering into a coalition on certain issues with either right-wing or left-wing members of parliament. At the same time, the smaller All-Russian National Union party had close personal ties with Stolypin.
The Third Duma was “the creation of Stolypin.” Stolypin's relationship with the Third Duma was a complex mutual compromise. The general political situation in the Duma turned out to be such that the government was afraid to introduce to the Duma all laws related to civil and religious equality (especially legal status Jews), since heated discussion of such topics could force the government to dissolve the Duma. Stolypin was unable to reach an understanding with the Duma on the fundamentally important issue of local government reform; the entire package of government bills on this topic was stuck in parliament forever. At the same time, government budget projects have always found support in the Duma.
Law on Courts Martial
The creation of this law was dictated by the conditions of revolutionary terror in the Russian Empire. Over the past few years, there have been many (tens of thousands) terrorist attacks with a total death toll of 9 thousand people. Among them were the highest officials states, and ordinary policemen. Often the victims were random people. Several terrorist attacks were prevented personally against Stolypin and members of his family; the revolutionaries even sentenced him to death by poisoning only son Stolypin, who was only 2 years old. Was killed by terrorists V. Plehve...
Stolypin's dacha on Aptekarsky Island after the explosion
During the assassination attempt on Stolypin on August 12, 1906, two of Stolypin’s children, Natalya (14 years old) and Arkady (3 years old), were also injured. At the time of the explosion, they and the nanny were on the balcony and were thrown onto the pavement by the blast wave. Natalya's leg bones were crushed, she could not walk for several years, Arkady's wounds were not serious, but the children's nanny died. This assassination attempt on Aptekarsky Island was carried out by the St. Petersburg organization of the Union of Socialist-Revolutionary Maximalists, formed in early 1906. The organizer was Mikhail Sokolov. August 12, Saturday, was Stolypin’s reception day at the state dacha on Aptekarsky Island in St. Petersburg. The reception began at 14.00. At about half past three a carriage drove up to the dacha, from which two people in gendarmerie uniforms got out with briefcases in their hands. In the first reception area, the terrorists threw their briefcases to the next doors and rushed away. There was a powerful explosion, more than 100 people were injured: 27 people died on the spot, 33 were seriously injured, many later died.
The prime minister himself and the visitors in the office received bruises (the door was ripped off its hinges).
On August 19th they were introduced courts-martial for expedited consideration of terrorist cases. The trial took place within 24 hours after the crime was committed. The examination of the case could last no more than two days, the sentence was carried out within 24 hours. The introduction of military courts was caused by the fact that military courts, according to the government, showed excessive lenience and delayed the consideration of cases. While in military courts cases were tried in front of the accused, who could use the services of defense lawyers and present their own witnesses, in military courts the accused were deprived of all rights.
In his speech on March 13, 1907, before the deputies of the Second Duma, Stolypin justified the need for this law as follows: “ The state can, the state is obliged, when it is in danger, to adopt the strictest, most exceptional laws in order to protect itself from disintegration.”
Artist O. Leonov "Stolypin"
During the six years the law was in effect (from 1906 to 1911), from 683 to 6 thousand people were executed by verdicts of military courts, and 66 thousand were sentenced to hard labor. Most executions were carried out by hanging.
Subsequently, Stolypin was sharply condemned for such harsh measures. The death penalty was rejected by many, and its use began to be directly associated with the policies pursued by Stolypin . The terms “quick-fire justice” and “Stolypin reaction” came into use. Cadet F.I. Rodichev, during a speech, in a temper, used the offensive expression “Stolypin tie,” referring to executions. The Prime Minister challenged him to a duel. Rodichev publicly apologized, which was accepted. Despite this, the expression “Stolypin tie” became popular. These words meant a gallows noose.
Many prominent people of that time spoke out against military courts: Leo Tolstoy, Leonid Andreev, Alexander Blok, Ilya Repin. The law on military courts was not submitted by the government for approval to the Third Duma and automatically lost force on April 20, 1907. But as a result of the measures taken, revolutionary terror was suppressed. State order in the country was preserved.
I. Repin "Portrait of Stolypin"
Russification of Finland
During Stolypin's premiership, the Grand Duchy of Finland was a special region of the Russian Empire. He pointed out the unacceptability of certain features of the government in Finland (many revolutionaries and terrorists were hiding from justice there). In 1908, he ensured that Finnish affairs affecting Russian interests were considered in the Council of Ministers.
Jewish Question
In the Russian Empire under Stolypin, the Jewish question was a problem of national importance. There were a number of restrictions for Jews. In particular, they were prohibited from permanent residence outside the so-called Pale of Settlement. Such inequality regarding part of the empire’s population on religious grounds led to the fact that many young people, whose rights were infringed, joined revolutionary parties. But the solution to this issue progressed with difficulty. Stolypin believed that Jews have the legal right to seek full equality.
Assassination attempts on Stolypin
From 1905 to 1911, 11 attempts were made on Stolypin, the last of which achieved its goal. The assassination attempts in the Saratov province were spontaneous, and then they became more organized. The bloodiest thing is the assassination attempt on Aptekarsky Island, which we have already talked about. Some assassination attempts were uncovered during their preparation. At the end of August 1911, Emperor Nicholas II with his family and associates, including Stolypin, were in Kyiv on the occasion of the opening of the monument to Alexander II. On September 14, 1911, the Emperor and Stolypin attended the play “The Tale of Tsar Saltan” at the Kiev City Theater. The head of the Kyiv security department had information that terrorists had arrived in the city for a specific purpose. The information was received from secret informant Dmitry Bogrov. It turned out that it was he who planned the assassination attempt. Using a pass, he entered the city opera house, during the second intermission he approached Stolypin and shot twice: the first bullet hit the arm, the second - the stomach, hitting the liver. After being wounded, Stolypin crossed the Tsar, sank heavily into a chair and said: “Happy to die for the Tsar.” Four days later, Stolypin’s condition deteriorated sharply, and he died the next day. There is an opinion that shortly before his death Stolypin said: “They will kill me, and the members of the security will kill me.”
In the first lines of Stolypin’s unsealed will it was written: “I want to be buried where they kill me.” Stolypin's order was carried out: Stolypin was buried in the Kiev Pechersk Lavra.
Conclusion
The assessment of Stolypin's activities is contradictory and ambiguous. Some highlight only negative aspects in it, others consider him a “brilliant politician,” a person who could save Russia from future wars, defeats and revolutions. We would like to quote lines from S. Rybas’s book “Stolypin”, which very accurately characterize people’s attitude towards historical figures: “...this figure emanates the eternal tragedy of the Russian educated active person: in an extreme situation, when traditional methods of public administration cease to work, he comes to the fore, but when the situation stabilizes, he begins to irritate, and he is eliminated from the political arena. And then the person himself is of no interest to anyone, the symbol remains.”
State service of Stolypin P.A. began at the Ministry of Agriculture and Rural Industry. It is possible that this step of the young Stolypin was influenced not only by his living, but also by his family interest in the most complex and most important, at that time, issue of the “peasant power” - the issue of the village, that is, the agrarian one.
However, according to the “Formular List of the Service of the Saratov Governor” on October 27, 1884, he was enlisted in the Ministry of Internal Affairs. In 1885, Stolypin, in accordance with the petition, was transferred to serve among the officials assigned to the Department of Agriculture and Rural Industry. In 1886 he was appointed to the rank of collegiate secretary (X class in the table of ranks); January, 1887 - assistant chief (VII class in the table of ranks) of the Department of Agriculture and Rural Industry. Almost a year later, namely, on January 1, 1888, Stolypin was “granted the rank of chamber cadet of the Court of His Imperial Majesty"(V class in the table of ranks). But soon Stolypin again transferred to service in the Ministry of Internal Affairs. On March 18, 1889, he was appointed Kovno district marshal of the nobility and chairman of the Kovno Court of Peace Mediators. At the new post Stolypin P.A. is active and in 1900 the Kovno Agricultural Society was organized.
In 1902, Stolypin P.A. was appointed acting governor of Grodno. A few months before his governorship, Peter Arkadyevich was approved by imperial decree as a representative of the Russian Agricultural Council for 1902. This once again confirmed the high level of the specialist in the field of agriculture. It’s not in vain that in July, new governor introduced a new agricultural program: resettlement of peasants on farms, elimination of striped land, loans for land reclamation, development of cooperation, agricultural education of peasants, introduction of multi-field crop rotations.
Here in Grodno P.A. Stolypin faced another important issue - the Jewish one. Formal restrictions on the rights of Jews aroused in the Jewish community a desire to resist the authorities, and in conditions of the active growth of legal self-awareness Russian society Jewish youth became the “yeast mass” of the revolution, making up the bulk of anti-state organizations.
In 1903 Stolypin P.A. appointed to the post of governor of the Saratov province. A year after the start Russo-Japanese War, his first meeting with Emperor Nicholas II took place. Stolypin was critical of this war, this is reflected in the memoirs of his eldest daughter: “How can a man joyfully go into battle, defending a land unknown to him in unknown lands? A war that is not brightened up by a sacrificial impulse is sad and difficult.” The defeat in the war with Japan affected the mood of the people, the empire was swept by a wave of revolutionary unrest, and this also affected the Saratov region. In the fight against “chaos”, Stolypin was firm, cool and fearless, but he understood that police forces alone could not pacify the raging peasants fueled by revolutionaries.
In 1905, by order of Stolypin P.A. With the help of military-police and administrative measures, together with army soldiers and Cossacks, the meeting was brutally dispersed. There could hardly be any justifications towards P.A. Stolypin. for the bloody suppression, and it is unlikely that he was looking for them. After all, those people whom he knew personally or from stories, whom he respected, were killed by revolutionary terror.
Thanks to Stolypin's energetic actions, life in the Saratov province gradually calmed down. The actions of the young governor were noticed by Nicholas II, who twice expressed his personal gratitude to him for his zeal.
In the second half of April 1906, Stolypin was summoned to Tsarskoe Selo by telegram signed by the emperor. Having met him, Nicholas II said that he closely followed the actions in Saratov and, considering them exceptionally outstanding, appointed him Minister of Internal Affairs. However, against the background of surviving the revolution and four attempts on his life, he tried to refuse the offered position, but could not disobey the order of the emperor. On April 26, he was appointed to the post of Minister of Internal Affairs.
His activities as minister coincided with the beginning of the work of the First State Duma, where the main backbone was the left, whose course from the very beginning was aimed at confrontation with the authorities. In July 1906, the First State Duma was dissolved by the emperor. Stolypin P.A. was appointed to the post of Chairman of the Council of Ministers, jointly holding the post of Minister of Internal Affairs. From this period comes the time of Stolypin's reforms until his death, which came from an assassin's bullet.
